Quote for the Day

"Where no discipline is enforced in war a state of things results which resembles far more the wars recorded in Froissart, or Comines, or the thirty-years’ war, and the religious war in France, than the regular war of modern times. And such a state of things results speedily, too; for all growth, progress, and rearing, moral or material, are slow; all destruction, relapse, and degeneracy fearfully rapid." – Francis Lieber, "Guerrilla Parties Considered with Reference to the Laws and Usages of War," (1862).

Hey, stuff happens.

Iran Is Our Greatest Challenge

Drudge is trying to say something, I infer. He’s right. Here are some remarks by Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati, Secretary of the Guardian Council in Iran, at Tehran University, and the appropriate conversational response:

"Jannati: The Koran tells us about the Jews in the early days of Islam: "They destroyed their homes with their own hands, and with the hands of the believers." It says: With their very hands and with the hands of the believers they are destroying their homes. This is exactly what is happening now. They destroying their homes with their hands and with ours…

You have made homosexuality official and legal. I spit in your face. The world should be ashamed of your deeds. Humanity should be ashamed. Your shamelessness should cause humanity to sweat in shame. A boy marrying a boy…

People are prepared to sacrifice their lives for the sake of the Prophet. There is no doubt about it. We’ve sacrificed so many martyrs. You insult him…

Crowd: Death to America.

Death to America.

Death to America.

Death to America.

Death to America.

Death to America.

Death to America.

Death to America.

Death to America."

Which part of those three words do we not yet understand?

(By the way, how long before religious right leaders urge a ban on gay marriage because it is inflaming Islamist terrorism? Or will Mickey get there first?)

For the Record

From the archives:

"I have absolutely nothing against the countless patriots in the blue zone, as my tribute to New Yorkers and the rest of the essay shows. I was talking about a few intellectuals and their cohorts who clearly do feel ambivalence about America fighting and winning this war. But these broad categories of "blue" and "red zones" can be misleading and unhelpful. I won’t use this shorthand again. Ditto the shorthand of "fifth column." I have no reason to believe that even those sharp critics of this war would actually aid and abet the enemy in any more tangible ways than they have done already. And that dissent is part of what we’re fighting for. By fifth column, I meant simply their ambivalence about the outcome of a war on which I believe the future of liberty hangs. Again, I retract nothing. But I am sorry that one sentence was not written more clearly to dispel any and all such doubts about its meaning. Writing 6,000 words under deadline in the heat of war can lead to occasional sentences whose meaning is open to misinterpretation."

– yours truly, September 19, 2001.

The Yemen Observer

A newspaper has been shut down by the government for having the courage to print cartoons that comfortable Western media punted on. Here’s their latest plea for support. Here’s the latest news on the trial of the editors. The editor-in-chief may be facing the death penalty. Where’s PEN? Or the Western press associations? At least Amnesty International was there.

WMDs and the Pre-War

Thanks for all your emails. I’m aware of one person who clearly stated before the war that he believed that Saddam had no WMDs. That was Scott Ritter. This is not the same as saying that we didn’t know for sure, or should have waited some more; or that containment could have worked for a few months or years longer. I mean: an anti-war commentator, writer or speaker who clearly said that Saddam had no WMDs before we invaded and that therefore the war was illegitimate. I remember being told by many who were against getting rid of Saddam that we shouldn’t invade precisely because he had WMDs and our invasion would be the only occasion in which he’d use them. But I don’t recall anyone saying flat out that there were no WMDs in Iraq. But I may have missed someone. I’ll happily post such pre-war statements if you send them to me.

Krugman and Me, Again

This is a long email but it’s one of the most thoughtful of the dozens I’ve now read, so here goes:

"I write as someone who basically agrees with many of Paul Krugman’s points, but finds him intolerably self-important and smug. I also write as someone who disagrees with you much of the time, but deeply respects the way you wrestle with these issues in public.

I also believe there’s very little point, at this late date, in pointing fingers about who thought what in 2001. We are where we are, and that’s that. For that matter, I was conflicted about the government’s policy in 2001 and I remain so today.

I can’t stand George Bush ‚Äî never could, from the get-go. The minute I saw him, it was clear to me that he was a smug, self-satisfied, prep-school product trying to pass himself off as a representative of a heartland male. A phony, through and through. I would have taken Gore or Kerry over Bush, in a New York minute.

But 9/11 happened and I supported Bush in Afghanistan. What else was there to do? He was the president, and we had been attacked. I took a lot of crap from my friends, but I thought Bush was right; I even thought that, in the early days, he prosecuted the war with vigor and competence.

When all eyes turned to Iraq, I saw no reason to doubt the WMD issue ‚Äî but other doubts crept in. I deeply regretted the Bush administration’s lack of interest in bringing the rest of the world on board ‚Äî and this, I’m sorry to say, is where I feel you were culpable. You were only too eager to attack any European who opposed direct military action. You signed on to Rumsfeld‚Äôs ‘Old Europe’ trope and some of your comments were beneath you. You didn’t allow for the possibility that people might have very real doubts about Bush’s agenda; it was his way or the highway.

At the same time, I worried about Bush’s character. His complete lack of interest in dealing with anyone else’s point of view was deeply worrying. Think about it ‚Äî did Roosevelt publicly trash anyone who opposed him? Did Churchill? Did they send their associates to attack them in the press? Did they demonize those who thought differently? Or did they try to bring them together in an alliance?

Again, you were culpable here. You idealized Bush ‚Äî largely, I guess because you needed to. And you didn’t listen to any opposing point of view; the debater in you took over from the thinker. You endowed Bush with qualities of strength and vision that plainly were not there. At the very least, his ongoing pandering to the religious right was an indicator of a moral laxity that you didn’t want to hear about.

These are not indictable offenses. It was a difficult, upsetting time. You chose wrong ‚Äî but you chose. So what? That’s better than not choosing at all.

Here’s the fundamental problem with Bush: he’s not evil, he’s certainly not corrupt in the Jack Abramoff sense of the word. I’m sure he lives a life of rectitude compared to many. But he’s an incurious man, he’s intellectually lazy, and, in the White House, that amounts to moral laziness, which, frankly, amounts to evil. Once Bush makes a decision about something, he never revisits it, because if it was right then, surely it must always be so. Look how he has fostered a culture of torture; clearly, he believes that the ends justify the means ‚Äî surely a very strange idea for a Christian to hold.

The real problem was, we needed a man of extraordinary abilities and vision after 9/11 and we had George Bush. If you supported him and the invasion of Iraq‚Äîwell, that’s  understandable. But if people balked ‚Äî well that’s understandable, too. The mistake you made was thinking that, if the cause was just, the leader must be so, too. But in George Bush, we sent a boy to a man’s job, and now we’re all paying for that mistake."

I’ll accept much of that and take my lumps, with some caveats. I did favor going to the U.N. from the get-go. The international opposition was, however, far from principled. If you think Chirac and Putin and Schroder were soberly considering the drawbacks of occupation, you’re deluding yourself. The sanctions regime, moreover, we now know, was both brutal and corrupt. I also remember much of the anti-war rhetoric and it wasn’t the sober calculation of options that some are now recalling. Some of that was there. But I went to the antiwar marches, and they were not about prudence or WMD intelligence or sanctions or containment. They were anti-Bush and often anti-American hate rallies. Similarly, the anti-war commentariat were, by and large, not Scowcroftians. A few were partisan Democrats, polarized by the 2000 election, who would have attacked Bush whatever his position. That’s certainly true of Krugman, who would have ferociously bashed Bush if he hadn’t gone to war as well.