My Clinton Problem – And Ours

A reader writes:

Now don’t get me wrong; I don’t like Hillary Clinton for a lot of reasons. But, to characterize her as a "paranoid, polarizing co-president" is going too far. Perhaps it is you who are suffering from amnesia. 

When Bill Clinton was elected, I remember discussing the election with members of a Texas branch of my family closely tied to James Baker and 41. They, and their exalted friends, were all genuinely outraged and incensed that this counter jumper, this political charlatan had flim-flammed the presidency away from George H. W. Bush who had EARNED the right to second term. I heard repeatedly words to the effect of "we wish him joy of his presidency, but we will do everything possible to make him regret his victory." The Clintons were under attack even before the inauguration. And they remained under attack for eight years. The conservative press served as cheerleaders, reported rumor as fact and inflamed against the Clintons rhetoric of a violence and viciousness that I thought America had foresworn a century earlier.  It isn’t paranoia when someone really is out to get you. 

As for polarization, I don’t want to play "who started it", but let’s face it, the Republican strategy of divide and conquer was not invented in 2000. Grover Norquist, Pat Buchanan, Jerry Falwell, Phyllis Shafley and many other Republican apparachiks had been poisoning the well for years before Clinton ever launched a national campaign.

Yes, I remember. I was an unillusioned Clinton supporter in 1991 and 1992. As editor of The New Republic, I helped guide the magazine toward an endorsement of the guy. Heck, I edited Sid Blumenthal’s coverage of the campaign and wrote the editorial that endorsed him. And I absolutely understand that the hard right was out to get them regardless. That remains the greater failing, I’d say. And I gave the hard right hell in the Clinton years, and opposed convicting Clinton in the impeachment. But to argue that the Clintons were innocents – or didn’t give their enemies enormous and needless ammunition – is far from the truth. Read Bernstein’s book. Or "Primary Colors" again.

I witnessed the following eight years close-up. I was lied to repeatedly, as all of us were. (For a brief reprise, Hitch’s book, "No One Left To Lie To" is helpful.) The lies were not as bad as Bush’s – WMDs and torture. But the stakes were much lower. The arrogance and condescension of the 510qpyk20sl healthcare debacle were revealing of a classically bad left-liberal mindset on Senator Clinton’s part. She knows best; she always has; everyone else is part of the VRWC. (You just saw a flash of that in Iowa – but her main lesson of the last eight years has been not to change but to better disguise who she is. MoDo, who also endured those eight years, has her number today.) Watching the Clintons pivot off homophobia – while pretending to be civil rights pioneers – really sickened me (although not as much as the gay establishment symps who rolled over and begged for more. They’re still at it, of course). Then the wagon-circling over the sexual harassment suits; the firing of the Travel Office staff; the dissembling over legal records; the smearing of enemies; the enabling of preventable genocide in Bosnia … maybe being forced to cover them day after day made me swear off the Clintons for good. Or maybe watching them close-up gave me a false perspective and we should just chill and let them take over the government again. But I would be remiss if I didn’t write that the idea of restoring the two of them for two more terms on top of the two they have already had fills me with dread.

The man was a perjurer and an abuser of women; she was deeply complicit in all of it, and ultimately used it for her own political advantage. This is who they were. I don’t think they’ve changed – and God knows what psychodramas the right-wing press has in store for us next spring if she wins. That the Clinton presidency was immeasurably preferable to the last six years I do not dispute. As I wrote continually at the time, their co-presidency was in many respects a substantively admirable one, although I doubt it would have been half as admirable if the Congress hadn’t reined them in. But it came at a severe cost – to the polarized country and to the integrity we have a right to expect in public figures. She has re-earned her credit as a national leader in the Senate, and she deserves respect for that. I think she’d make a great Supreme Court justice for the left. But she is still part of that co-presidency aiming for another eight years; and she is still part of that ruthless machine. She may be preferable to many Republicans (who isn’t, at this point?); but it amazes me she is given such a pass on her past, especially since she has already wielded national power through her husband for two terms. We still have alternatives. If this blog can help remind people of that, and of what we already know about her and her co-president-in-waiting, so much the better.

What Fred’s Got

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I haven’t changed my mind on the essential vacuousness of Fred Thompson’s candidacy. But watching the debate last night and judging it purely as style, I can see his appeal. Others have written of his solemn demeanor. For me, what stood out was that he seemed the only candidate who held something back, who wasn’t obviously aiming to pander or please, who has a sense of self that isn’t purely that of a candidate. (That’s partly what I like about Obama as well: he hasn’t become a total politician yet.) You get the sense that Thompson may actually have a view that is his own and not filtered through various polling mechanisms. When you compare him to the oleaginous Brownback, whose witlessness only propelled him to try about seven times to make an actual joke about his mother, he seems refreshingly sane and calm. He’s also the only one who talks about the structural debt with any hint that he could win a bipartisan deal to head it off.

I guess I felt that if a crisis emerged in the four years after January 2009, Thompson would have a decent chance of appealing to the whole country and not losing half of them. Giuliani seems to want to piss off half the country; Romney’s fathomless fakeness – it’s irreparable now, I’d say – seems to be provoking something close to revulsion among my Democratic friends; McCain was off-form. The rest seem quite nutty to me. Ron Paul’s refreshing perspective endures, but he veers rather quickly all the time into a somewhat cranky and near-hysterical vocal pitch. And that gold standard thing: c’mon. As the primary point of your candidacy? Give it a rest. Although, of course, a great deal of his appeal is that he won’t.

(Photo: Bill Pugliano/Getty.)

Obama and the Black Vote

One reason he has not wrapped up the black vote is because of readers like this one:

Obama will not be the Democratic Nominee, so this is probably a moot point. Too many of us do not believe America will elect him. That’s why he’s stuck in the polls, despite being so good in so many ways, despite his fundraising.  Or as some of the cynics among us note: "Yeah, America loves white liberals so much, let’s give ’em a Black liberal."

The "Bradley effect" is for the late Tom Bradley, former mayor of LA and two-time Dem. Governor nominee. And Black. Going into the 1982 election, he led in the polls, only to lose by less than 1%. It has been traced to white voters who said they would vote for Bradley, only once they were in the voting booth, pulled the lever for the white guy, the inferior George Deukmejian. (One can ruminate how different America might have been had Colin Powell decided to run in ’96 …)

You would gain tremendous insight by talking to some Black, middle age folks.  You will gain insight as to why this group favors (rightly or wrongly), Hillary.  And they will tell you that (1) Obama is not ready; (2) He will be assassinated if he gets within striking distance of the White House. Middle-age Blacks know a thing or two about how America really is. One does not hear these insights from younger white folks.

Many African-Americans simply do not believe that a black man will ever be allowed to be president. They’re sticking with Clinton because she’s the strongest non-black Democrat. And so racism perpetuates itself through the fears and alienation of its victims. Call it the audacity of hopelessness. And Clinton needs it.

The Threat of Ron Paul

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No Howard Dean:

There is zero chance that Ron Paul will win the Republican nomination or, after he loses, become a major leader in the Republican party. His constituency consists mainly of libertarian types who are either not Republicans or have not felt at home in the Republican party for quite some time.

And unlike Dean, I think it is pretty unlikely that Paul will endorse the eventual Republican nominee. In fact, I suspect Republican party officials are a little worried about Paul’s plans for the general election. …If Paul can raise his profile enough to secure himself a place in general election debates (as Ross Perot did in 1992), he may well be tempted to accept a third party nomination.

Paul is much more like Ross Perot or Ralph Nader than Howard Dean. His support comes from people who are fed up with the two major parties and don’t feel represented by either of them. Those who want to see a Republican in the White House come 2009 should be very careful how they treat Ron Paul and his supporters. He has the potential to become a very effective spoiler in the general election.

(Photo: Gabriel Bouys/AFP/Getty.)

Green Conservatism

A new enviro-blog – from the center-right. Encouraging. Their mission statement:

More and more conservatives realize that the right solution for our biggest challenges – dependence on foreign oil, staying competitive in a challenging global economy, proper stewardship of creation, kick-starting America’s rural/farm economy, acting smartly to address climate changes – can be found in creating new markets that serve both our environmental and economic needs. Conservatives get it: Markets and profits, not more government subsidies. Less moolah for mullahs. "Fear not" as opposed to fear-mongering.

That’s what Terra Rossa is all about. It’s a forum where “red staters” agree on the power of the marketplace to meet our economic, national security and environmental goals. It’s where conservatives discuss the power of carbon markets to solve our biggest problems while avoiding government’s worst ideas. It’s where free-market Republicans can help plow the ground for a new energy future to take seed and grow.

Check it out.

Conservative Professors

There are more of them than we knew; but many of them are in lesser colleges:

(1) There is a much higher percentage of conservatives teaching at (relatively low-paying, low prestige) community colleges than elsewhere. So much for the oft-heard theory that conservatives are so scarce at elite schools because they are selfish, ambitious, money-grubbers who lack the inclination to give up the "good life" to pursue the "life of the mind."

(2) Contrary to the stereotype of the conservative business school professor, professors of business voted 2-1 for John Kerry in ’04.

A lot of sane conservatives voted for Kerry in 2004, of course. Because Kerry was more conservative on many issues than his radical, spendthrift opponent.

The Ron Paul Effect

A reader writes:

It seems to me that anyone who looks at Ron Paul’s fund-raising power and complains that his candidacy is not taken seriously is missing the point.  As a viable candidate for president Paul is a non-starter. As The Most Hated Man in the Republican Party, however, his value is immense.

Huckabee had his strongest moment to date when he tussled with Paul, and I’m sure the rest of the Republican field will be lining up to pick fights with him. Paul’s greatest service in this election would be to force the Republican candidates to explicitly embrace the policies of George W. Bush in ways that they would have otherwise have avoided. There can be little inching towards the center if you risk being on the same side as Paul: The Most Hated Man in the Republican Party. At this rate, Ron Paul will have the resources to keep them in that box well into the primaries, tying themselves ever tighter to the anchor that is George W. Bush.