Permanent Meddling

By Daniel Larison

Gregory Scoblete outlines a number of ways that Obama could adopt foreign policy views he will never adopt to reassure wary antiwar voters.  This was perhaps the most striking:

He could, for instance, echo the arguments made by Edward Luttwak from the Center for Strategic and International Studies in the British magazine Prospect, and argue that "We devote far too much attention to the Middle East, a mostly stagnant region where almost nothing is created…." Rather, he wrote, "with neither invasions nor friendly engagements, the peoples of the Middle East should finally be allowed to have their own history."

Virtually no one in Washington would want to go anywhere near endorsing Luttwak’s benign neglect, and certainly it is not a view that will be embraced by a candidate who already has to persuade the political class, the media and the voters that his election is an acceptable risk.  This has always been the limit imposed on Obama’s candidacy, imposed as much by the candidate himself as it has been by others, which is that a younger, less experienced relative newcomer to the national political scene was never going to be able to pursue a genuinely transformative agenda in the area of U.S. policy that most desperately needs it, namely foreign policy.  There are three straightforward reasons for this.  Overcoming concerns about a lack of foreign policy experience necessarily requires defending most of the status quo, any Democratic nominee will be targeted with claims that he is the new McGovern and so has to eschew any radical breaks with most established policies, and most importantly the Obama who gave the recent speech in Berlin and spoke to the Global Affairs Concil in Chicago last year clearly has no intention of transforming the American role in the world, except perhaps to expand it.

It isn’t clear what the point of Scoblete’s exercise in advising Obama is except to remind antiwar voters that Obama does not generally hold non-interventionist views and instead has always argued "within the status quo" and framed his positions as the best way to advance American "leadership" in the Near East and throughout the world.  Even so, Scoblete’s recommendations are interesting insofar as they remind all of us how little actually separates McCain and Obama when it comes to foreign policy  when compared to truly transformative alternative policy views.

Cross-posted at Eunomia

Of Class And Race

By Patrick Appel
Coates makes a good point:

There are two questions here–how are we going to fix the race chasm, and how far are we really willing to go to do it? People like to focus on the former, because the truly frightening one is the latter. We’re forever trying to achieve equality by not negatively impacting white people. You can look back at the War on Poverty and see how desperate folks were to make it look color-blind. How’d that work out? I think one of the reasons Affirmative Action was extended to basically everyone by white males, was likely, so it wouldn’t be reparations. Ironically, class-based integration uses the same logic. I’m a fan because I believe in it on principle. But the politics of it seem to be captive to ancient formulations: Despite the fact that slavery and Jim Crow crippled black folks, we want to heal those wounds by inconviencing white people as little as possible. It’s been this way since Reconstruction. If I’m pessimistic about anything it’s not knowing the right thing to do, it’s the will to get it done.

A Damaged Brand

By Patrick Appel
David Kuhn reports on McCain’s hispanic problem:

“You begin with the anti-immigrant legislation that came out of the House and jump started a level of activism in the Latino community that we had not seen ever,” said Adam Segal, director of the Hispanic Voter Project at Johns Hopkins University “and you add to that the favorable political environment for Democrats in general,” and it’s hard, he said, to see McCain’s numbers among Hispanics improving.  “This cycle is extremely favorable to Obama and the Democrats,” Segal, who then paused before emphasizing “extremely.”

Backyardigans

By Patrick Appel
Jonathan Zasloff wants more communal lawns:

You can easily have single-family neighborhoods with greatly increased density, and the walkability and transit accessibility that comes from that, if you reduce lawn size and share some of that open space. No, this isn’t an apartment building: all the kids (animals?) live in single-family, detached homes. […]

So why don’t more neighborhoods have this? Because in most suburbs, it’s illegal: you can’t share a lawn—there are setback requirements, fencing requirements, lot size requirements, etc. Developers won’t build what they can’t entitle. And so we assume that single-family neighborhoods mean far lower density, and transit accessibility, than we should.

Bradford Plumer adds his two cents.

A-Veeping We Will Go

By Patrick Appel
Noah Millman repeats the conventional wisdom:

The good news, though, is that [McCain’s] choice doesn’t matter so much. McCain is already well (and positively) defined for this election. He’s the old soldier who isn’t too great with policy details but who loves the American people and always puts them first. If he can keep the Obama campaign from tarnishing that veneer, and picks someone as his VP who is modestly helpful as attack dog and potential successor, he’ll be in as good shape as he can be given how badly the fundamentals cut against him and his party….[Obama, on the other hand, has] got a lot of reasonable choices. But the bad news is: compared to McCain’s choice, the stakes for his are a whole lot higher. The public has much less of a defined impression of Obama than of McCain, and so Obama’s VP choice will do more to shape the narrative going forward than McCain’s will.

I’m not at all convinced this is true. McCain is a known quanity to pundits, but not neccesarily to the general population. After all, only 69 percent of Americans can name the vice president (hint: it rhymes with Nick Bainy). Obama may have been relatively unknown seven months ago, but since then I’ve heard more about him on a daily basis than any other public figure. I don’t see Obama’s veep pick significantly changing the narrative—unless he picks Clinton.