James Surowiecki thinks boldness is overrated:
Me too.
James Surowiecki thinks boldness is overrated:
Me too.
Greg Sargent looks at a new NYT poll on torture:
Douthat’s first column is up and it has provoked golf claps all around. The closer:
But the argument isn’t going away. It will be with us as long as the threat of terrorism endures. And where the Bush administration’s interrogation programs are concerned, we’ve heard too much to just “look forward,” as the president would have us do. We need to hear more: What was done and who approved it, and what intelligence we really gleaned from it. Not so that we can prosecute – unless the Democratic Party has taken leave of its senses – but so that we can learn, and pass judgment, and struggle toward consensus.
The only way to do that is a truth commission, broadly constituted with enough time, and money to do the job right. A lot of the work has already been done. Only after the commission reports should the question of prosecution be addressed.
“In our time, political speech and writing are largely the defense of the indefensible. Things like the continuance of British rule in India, the Russian purges and deportations, the dropping of the atom bombs on Japan, can indeed be defended, but only by arguments which are too brutal for most people to face, and which do not square with the professed aims of the political parties. Thus political language has to consist largely of euphemism, question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness.
Defenseless villages are bombarded from the air, the inhabitants driven out into the countryside, the cattle machine-gunned, the huts set on fire with incendiary bullets: this is called pacification. Millions of peasants are robbed of their farms and sent trudging along the roads with no more than they can carry: this is called transfer of population or rectification of frontiers. People are imprisoned for years without trial, or shot in the back of the neck or sent to die of scurvy in Arctic lumber camps: this is called elimination of unreliable elements.
Such phraseology is needed if one wants to name things without calling up mental pictures of them.
Consider for instance some comfortable English professor defending Russian totalitarianism. He cannot say outright, “I believe in killing off your opponents when you can get good results by doing so.” Probably, therefore, he will say something like this:
“While freely conceding that the Soviet regime exhibits certain features which the humanitarian may be inclined to deplore, we must, I think, agree that a certain curtailment of the right to political opposition is an unavoidable concomitant of transitional periods, and that the rigors which the Russian people have been called upon to undergo have been amply justified in the sphere of concrete achievement.”
– George Orwell, Politics And The English Language.
“The military has interrogated terrorists held at Guantanamo Bay. And in addition, a small number of terrorists, high-value targets, held overseas have gone through an interrogation program run by the CIA. It’s a tougher program, for tougher customers. These include Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the mastermind of 9/11. He and others were questioned at a time when another attack on this country was believed to be imminent. It’s a good thing we had them in custody, and it’s a good thing we found out what they knew.
“The procedures of the CIA program are designed to be safe, and they are in full compliance with the nation’s laws and treaty obligations. They’ve been carefully reviewed by the Department of Justice, and very carefully monitored. The program is run by highly trained professionals who understand their obligations under the law. And the program has uncovered a wealth of information that has foiled attacks against the United States; information that has saved thousands of lives,” – Dick Cheney, former vice-president of the United States, who conceived and ran a full-fledged torture program that resulted in the deaths of over a hundred prisoners, in violation of the laws and treaties of the United States.
"Statements like "thanks for the swine flu" or "I hope Susan Collins' kids get swine flu" are crazy responses to her opinions and the reality of the current funding situation. Just asinine. Same as actually calling or writing Senator Collins. Why? Why are you doing this? Schumer went so far as to call the pandemic prevention funding a "little porky thing," are you calling him? Are you yelling about him? Additionally, the money has been appropriated, so what's the point?," – Addison, Daily Kos.
Andrew Bacevich is worried by Obama's super-cautious foreign policy so far:
Larison adds his own two cents. I have to say the logic of empire is strong; and Obama has yet to question it in any serious way.
Former British ambassador to Uzbekistan Craig Murray sees the torturing of Zubaydah to get a casus belli for invading Iraq as just part of an entire operation generating self-perpetuating falsehood:
I was immediately concerned that British ministers and officials were being unknowingly exposed to material derived from torture, and therefore were acting illegally.
I asked my Deputy, Karen Moran, to call on a senior member of the US Embassy and tell him I was concerned that the CIA intelligence was probably derived from torture by the Uzbek security services. Karen Moran reported back to me that the US Embassy had replied that it probably did come from torture, but in the War on Terror they did not view that as a problem.
David Corn doesn't like the idea of a special prosecutor:
A reader writes:
Probably the first time Richard Lugar has ever been described that way.