Emissions And The Global Poor

by Patrick Appel

Ezra Klein, getting adjusted to his new home on the digital pages of the WaPo, passes along word of year-long study (pdf) by The Lancet the University College London on the global impact of climate change:

"Loss of healthy life years as a result of global environmental change (including climate change) is predicted to be 500 times greater in poor African populations than in European populations," predicts the report. Which presents a particularly tricky political problem. The developed countries that benefit most from fossil fuels will suffer least. The countries with the maximum incentive to prevent climate change have no power to do it.

Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellenberger make a counterpoint in the last TNR:

Greens often note that the changing global climate will have the greatest impact on the world's poor; they neglect to mention that the poor also have the most to gain from development fueled by cheap fossil fuels like coal. For the poor, the climate is already dangerous. They are already subject to the droughts, floods, hurricanes, and diseases that future warming will intensify. It is their poverty, not rising carbon-dioxide levels, that make them more vulnerable than the rest of us. By contrast, it is the richest humans–those of us who have achieved comfort, prosperity, and economic security for ourselves and for our children–who have the most to lose from the kind of apocalyptic global-warming scenarios that have so often been invoked in recent years.

Pelosi And The Torture Debate

by Patrick Appel

Weigel thinks the declarations of her political demise are greatly exaggerated. Jonathan Chait sees a silver lining:

Liberals' goal here ought to be to make torture something that neither party will accept going forward. So de-polarizing the debate is the most promising path. Do the Republicans think Pelosi is the key figure here? Ok, knock yourselves out! Let's investigate the Pelosi torture regime in full. Then maybe we can put an end to the vicious Pelosi torture era.

A Failure of Capitalism (II)–Whom to Blame?

by Richard A. Posner

The tendency in the media and the Congress has been to blame the current depression on "stupid, greedy, and reckless" bankers. I believe that that is a mistake. I know bankers. They are not stupid; most of them are smart, and many of them are brilliant. If they are "greedy," it is largely so in the sense in which most Americans (most anyone, I imagine) could be called "greedy": they like money a lot. I read somewhere recently that bankers (a word I use loosely to cover financiers in general) derive their job satisfaction entirely from their monetary compensation, unlike other workers. But that is wrong. Rich bankers derive satisfaction not only from making a lot of money but also from a sense of outsmarting competitors, and in that respect they are not unlike highly paid athletes; in both cases the money the stars are paid do not merely enhance personal welfare, but also are indicators of relative performance. Money is a scorecard of success. Professors are different, it is true–but only in that their scorecard is different: for money income are substituted citations, pretigious appointments, honorary degrees, and prizes.

With "reckless" we get a little closer to the truth, which is that banking is an inherently risky activity.

The basic reason is that bankers borrow most of their capital, then turn around and lend it, and cover their expenses and make a profit by lending at higher interest rate than they borrow–and the higher interest rate is generated by the bank's assuming a greater risk of default than the people who lend the bank its capital. Typically, banks borrow short term and lend long term, and by doing so they generate a spread because lending short is less risky than lending long and so short-term interest rates tend to be lower than long-term rates.

The taking of business risks implies a positive risk of bankruptcy. Bankers cannot be criticized for risking bankruptcy, because they couldn't survive in business otherwise; they would lose their capital to nonbank lenders willing to take risks, such as hedge funds.

In fact the bankers took too many risks from an overall economic standpoint, and that is the immediate cause of the economic hole we're in. They made too many risky loans, especially in real estate, and when the risks materialized the banks' assets, which included many real estate mortgages and securities backed by such mortgages, plunged in value. The banks found themselves undercapitalized and reduced their lending, which slowed economic activity, which began the downward spiral that we're in.

They were permitted and indeed encouraged to take risks that were too great from the standpoint of economic stability by the government itself, in two major respects. First, the regulatory controls that had once limited the amount of risk that banks could take, in recognition of the potentially catastrophic effects on economic stability of a collapse or near collapse of the banking industry, were gradually dismantled, beginning in the 1970s. Not completely dismantled, but enough dismantled to allow competition almost free rein to push the bankers toward taking more risks than were good for the nation's economic welfare.

And second, the Federal Reserve pushed interest rates too far down at the end of 2000 and kept them there longer than made economic sense. The results included a housing bubble, a credit bubble, the bursting of the bubbles, and the ensuing swoon of the banking industry–all of which I'll explain in the next blog in this series. 

No Two Cities Are Alike

by Patrick Appel

Ta-Nehisi argues persuasively that marriage equality in DC shows the danger of thinking "that black communities–and black people–are interchangeable, that what holds for Inglewood necessarily holds for LeDroit Park." He writes:

Look, black Washington is black Washington. It isn't Harlem. It isn't Selma. It isn't West Baltimore. It's a city existing on its own individual terms, with it's own specific individual history. The District's black community extends back to the city's founding. They boast a university which has been a beacon for black progressives for over a century, and a progressive tradition which extends back to home rule.

Indeed, for all the heat over black homophobia, Chocolate City passed a domestic partnership back in 1992–when it wasn't cool. But it had no teeth–not because of a band of black homophobes–but because of white homophobia. (that's intentionally absurd) The GOP-led Congress refused to allow it.

Marriage Equality Update

by Chris Bodenner

Washington governor Christine Gregoire today signed a bill that gives same-sex domestic partnerships all the same rights and benefits as married couples. Dan Savage sighs:

You'd almost think Gregoire was here to sign a marriage-equality bill into law and not a third separate-but-equalish domestic partnership bill into law. If the state saw the absolute sameness of gay couples during this debate… then why has the state has opted to create an absolutely new institution rather than opening the existing institution of marriage to same-sex couples?

He tracks her down and gets an answer.

Benefits of Marriage Equality

by Richard Florida

Same-sex couples have been getting married for five years now in Massachusetts. Gary Gates of UCLA's Williams Institute has done the number-crunching and identified intriguing economic benefits.

"Data from the American Community Survey suggest that marriage equality has a small but positive impact on the number of individuals in same-sex couples who are attracted to a state. However, marriage equality appears to have a larger impact on the types of individuals in same-sex couples who are attracted to a state. In Massachusetts, marriage equality resulted in an increase of younger, female, and more highly educated and skilled individuals in same-sex couples moving to the state… The evidence that marriage equality may enhance the ability of Massachusetts to attract highly skilled creative class workers among those in same-sex couples offers some support that the policy has the potential to have a long-term positive economic impact."