Criminalizing Kids For Cartoons, Ctd

by Chris Bodenner

A reader writes:

This isn't about "religious persecution," as you state in your post. Read the article you linked to!  The father states in that article, "It hurts me that they did this to my kid," Chester Johnson, the boy's father, told the Globe. "They can't mess with our religion; they owe us a small lump sum for this.''  This is about MONEY, not religion!

I was too vague in my wording; the dad now seems to be "creating" a persecution angle. Another writes:

If the kid is drawing pictures of himself being crucified on a cross, I think it's fair of the teachers to show concern. I'd go so far as to say it was appropriate. Especially if the kid was never even suspended (which could be easily verified, right?). Sounds like the dad was just looking for attention–and got it. 'Tis the season for self martyrdom.

Below the Mason Dixon, Cont’d 2

by Conor Friedersdorf

Let's jump right in:

— Two things strike me about Charlotte.  1) How it is the embodiment of the excesses of the 1990’s and 2000’s; 2) It has been the shining example of what the South wanted to be.  It’s home to the world headquarters of Bank of America; the Wachovia Center, which was going to be the gleaming palace for the 4th largest bank, before it collapsed and was bought up by Wells Fargo.  The attention of the world financial collapse is on Wall Street, but in reality, a lot of what happened took place in Charlotte.  The culture of this boomtown reflects that.  Another corporate boom-time icon you see in Charlotte is the world of NASCAR.  Their headquarters hall of fame and the mammoth team facilities are based in Charlotte.  With the fall of the economy, many changes have taken place there.  You will find a lot of glitzy vacant office complexes, subdivisions meant for 1000 houses with 8 actually built and the other signs of the fall.  There are also many out of work bankers driving their Lexus cars to the local amusement park to get part time work.  Also, you will find former NASCAR mechanics who have gone from flying on private jets to fix 200 MPH speed machines on national television, to changing oil on some guys Buick Century at Wal-Mart. 

— You might want to use a "nom de plume" when you introduce yourself in talking to locals. Your accent will be enough to mark you as an outsider (in the 60s is was "outside agitator"), no sense in confusing the issue more.

— I think the appropriate place to start a journey through the south is in Cairo, situated at the very southern tip of Illinois where the Ohio river joins the Mississippi. This decaying ghost town boasts some marvelous architectural gems from the more prosperous riverboat days, as well as a remarkably collapsing township. On the rare occasions we travel to Cairo to visit the forgotten cemetery where family members rest (the location is safely stored in my GPS unit, as it isn't on maps, and few locals remember where it is), our visit includes passes by the former sites of the hospital where my father was born, the house my grandfather owned, as well as the Methodist church, all of which were claimed by decay and razed some years ago. One of my favorite sights in Cairo is the massive flood gate across the highway on the way into town. Of course, no visit to Cairo is complete without a trip to a couple of landmarks- the first is the beautiful Magnolia Manor, and the other is the greasy spoon diner a few blocks from the levee walls on the east side of town- the name is the "Nu Diner" but it isn't hard find, as there are few businesses actually open. The customers are mostly farmers and elderly people who have never found the means or desire to escape.

To my mind, the definitive volume on the Southern persona, in al its variations, is still Florence King’s “Southern Ladies and Gentlemen.”  Although it may be somewhat out of date now, it is still vital reading.  It certainly sustained me during a passionate relationship with a Southern woman by reassuring me that I (a New England Yankee) was not the crazy one.

I would suggest flying to Memphis, renting a car there and driving the length of Highway 61 from downtown all the way to Vicksburg, Mississippi.  The view from the car window alone would both disturb and astound you.  The Delta is the heart of poverty in Mississippi and the country.  Demographically it hosts the largest concentration of African Americans, per capita, in the United States.  It has little industry, save that conducted by the regenerative Viking Corp., the commercial kitchen manufacturer based in Greenwood, and subsists primarily on an agriculture that is a shadow of the massive farming operations that built the region.  I read somewhere recently that Mississippi, ranked dead last in so many social indicators, would fall solidly in the thirties of many health and education categories should our Delta counties be excised.  And yet, the Delta is the birthplace of America's music and the African-American disaporas that were so influential in 20th century demography and industrial growth.  There is fine, fine, fine food to be had everywhere.   

Most importantly, the Delta holds some sort of magical quality.  I won't attempt to describe it as I'm not much of a writer.  It's almost as if the potential salvation of the many sins of Mississippi's history hangs above the fields and crumbling towns.  Should some of us help bring economic prosperity and the social progress it can generate to the region's impoverished black populace and the fallen (financially and otherwise) white families whose fields they once tended (and in fewer numbers still do), it would certainly help Mississippi in every practical manner conceivable, but more importantly, it would benefit our state and its people spiritually.  Redeem the Delta, redeem our history.  And, if the idea of a state having a spirit seems foreign, you haven't spent much time down here.  But, there are glimmers thanks to the efforts of Viking and the actor Morgan Freeman, a native, who makes his home near Clarksdale and operates a fine restaurant and blues night club there, and others.  It seems every year more efforts are made to make Delta Blues tourism more accessible. 

One caveat: I am not advocating some form of poverty tourism.  It is the richness of authenticity of the place that makes it worth visiting, although that authenticity often has an ugly or depressed face… Every American should travel its roads to "feel" it, more than see it.  And, no, I'm not sure everyone can if they aren't from here, so no guarantees.  But we love our myths in the (white) South; they protect our collective psyche from things the rest of the country doesn't have to worry about.  And yet, to our west sits the fertile flat land whose crumbling store fronts, vast fields, incomprehensible poverty and the brown arterial river beyond remind us how difficult it can be to face history honestly. 

The Big Chicken (Wikipedia entry here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Big_Chicken) Americana at its finest. Not sure why they decided this Kentucky Fried Chicken needed to be something special, but special it is! A 60-foot red triangle sits atop a KFC restaurant. Its said to be in the shape of a chicken, which is very questionable, but the sculpture does have eyes that roll in circles and a beak that opens and closes. Most directions in Marietta, GA include the phrase then you turn right/left at the Big Chicken, as its at the intersection of two major roads. T-shirts are sold with likenesses of the Eiffel Tower, Big Ben, the Colosseum, and the Big Chicken. I realize a lot of cities have big, weird, inexplicable structures that theyre proud of, and the Big Chicken is ours.

The South is not a foreign country for cry-eye!  We're just like you, Conor!  Your post was slightly arrogant.  Don't focus so much on stereotypes.

— If you're heading south, I'd recommend my hometown Lafayette, Louisiana.

We're situated in the center of south Louisiana (in fact, we're dubbed the "Hub City"), about two hours west of New Orleans. Lafayette is the center of Cajun culture in Louisiana, and you can't experience Louisiana without getting some authentic Cajun experience.

If you're staying here, you should bunk down at Blue Moon Saloon and Guesthouse. It's a turn-of-the-century Acadian home that's been turned into a hostel and a full-time live music venue specializing in roots music, local music and Americana. Every night of the week there's some sort of live music on the back porch, and on weekends the lineup is usually a nice mix of locals and touring musicians from across the South.

Plus, Blue Moon is in our downtown area, so you can grab the best plate lunch in town at Dwyer's Café.

And if you want something more authentic than that, you can have gumbo at my parent's house. That's the real Cajun way: treat a traveler to dinner at home.

— The summer after I graduated from college, I canoed down the Mississippi River with three friends from Minnesota to New Orleans.  We all agreed that gaining a new perspective on the South was one of the great things about the trip.  Seeing the south from  the river, I think, is the best way to do it because you are forced to travel at a slower speed and are inherently more dependent on the kindness and largess of strangers in ways that simply are not if you are travelling by car.  

… In general, we became connoisseurs of full-service gas station kitchens.  Many of the small towns, these gas station restaurants become the social focal point of these small communities.   There is no better way to meet people than slowly eating a four dollar spread of eggs, bacon, biscuits, grits, and coffee and introducing yourself to whoever walks in.  As we moved south we noticed  a change in how people reacted when we explained who we were and that we were canoeing down the river.  The typical Yankee response was "Oh, cool.  Best of luck."  Further south, people would treat us like lost relatives: opening up their homes, cooking us dinner, who shared their thoughts about their lives, communities, and vocations.  We met veterans, investment bankers. grandparents, their grand kids, riverboat captains, and even a professional big foot hunter (dont' ask) at the drop of a hat. 

While you are in the South don’t bother to get embroiled in the centuries old barbeque controversy.  The truth is clear.

Here are several tips:

  1. Barbeque is a noun, not a verb.
  2. Forget Texas.  Beef with sauce is, well, beef with sauce.
  3. For pork barbeque go to North Carolina.
  4. Forget mustard or tomato based sauces—it’s vinegar based sauce all the way. 
  5. The Blue Mist barbeque in Asheboro, NC is my favorite.

My South, the one where I was born and raised and can view the gravesites of at least six generations of my ancestors, is a place of subdivisions, cities, well-kept farms, and, in general a middle-class population of true diversity and at least as much progressive tolerance as the average New York neighborhood (which is damning New York burgs with faint praise.) 
 
First off, the South is filled with people who aren't Southerners. There are so few natives left that we make a special point of commenting on it when we happen across a fellow "born-here." The Southern preachers and politicians who make the nightly news with their heavy drawls and super-conservative attitudes often lead flocks of non-Southerners who share the same beliefs. 
 
Secondly, the South is filled with "others" who are rarely if ever publicized by a national media that craves white redneck stereotypes. What about the historic Jewish population of coastal Georgia? The Catholic parishes of small towns? The cocktail swilling Episcopalians (my very Southern family is full of them) or the Lebanese and Indians and Chinese and Vietnamese and the well-established Hispanic cultures and on-and-on?
 
 I can walk into my small town Appalachian Wal-Mart and hear accents from all over the world.        
 
The South is NOT a white, conservative, Republican fortress. I am surrounded by Southern pals of all skin shades who share my own wild-eyed liberal values; I can go to the local fall festival (celebrating NASCAR and moonshine) and hang out at the well-staffed booth of the county Democratic Party; our small weekly newspaper routinely features editorials by Dems and also publishes feverish debates between local libs and cons.
 
If I want to visit the Southern equivalent of Funky Town I drive up to Asheville, North Carolina, a city so steeped in bohemian culture the favorite local T-shirt says "It's not weird, it's Asheville." This heartland Appalachian city has a very open GBLT population, a foodie atmosphere celebrating vegan and Indian food, a high ratio of tattoos to skin; and an arts community embracing every known medium, and then some.
 
In short, my South bears very little resemblance to the South I see in the national media; my South is impossible to sum up in a stereotype; my South is real, unlike the South spoken of by non-Southerners, who seem to have no self-awareness as they point their fingers and their noses down at us, often from the pedestal of their own racist, intolerant, impoverished, barely literate neighborhoods. 

— When I was in graduate school in Fayetteville, Arkansas, I would occasionally escape the madness by slipping away with a backpack to the Ozark wilderness.  Most of the areas I frequented almost 40 years ago are more accessible now—both a good and a not-so-good development.  I would advise beginning in Little Rock with a visit to Juanita’s for some great Mexican food, then heading north out of town on highway 67 then highway 5.  Go through Heber Springs to Mountain View in Stone County.
 
In Stone County, you’ll find Blanchard Spring Caverns, an absolutely spectacular system of caves administered by the Forest Service, and therefore mostly free of the commercialism you usually see around such places.  This is one of those things you either find utterly fascinating (as I do) or that just doesn’t appeal at all.  Great care is taken here to preserve the caverns as a living system.
 
Mountain View is the home of the Ozark Folk Center, where you can hear authentic Ozark mountain music just about every night.  I remember being absolutely jolted when I heard the musicians singing a song I had only heard from one other person, my grandfather.  From here, look into a canoe float along the Buffalo National River.  There are any number of access points, but if the water is high enough, the best stretch is the Ponca-to-Pruitt run.  I still recall sleeping on a gravel bar under a 300-foot cliff with goats at the top.  The bells around their necks kept my companion awake all night, while the rushing water of the river lulled me to sleep.

— The Creation Museum. I believe that a certain amount of Christian obstinacy has little to do with faith and a lot to do with being comfortable in an disquieting world. Like the essentially empty rituals that bond groups like Masons and Moose Lodges, a certain kind of white, lower-middle-class Christian partakes of Creationism not because they believe it's literally true, but because it is a kind of membership badge. It says you're a certain kind of person. The museum is a perfect expression of that. No reasonable person can go through the museum and think it anything but absurd, but that's beside the point. The point is that everyone there comes from the same subculture — the same tribe, if you prefer. The absurdity keeps out all those people who make everyday life uncomfortable. It's one of very few places that certain kind of white, lower-middle-class Christian can go and feel comfortable in a room full of strangers.

— Small Business Networking Group. They meet all over the place, usually for breakfast. Pick a city or large town and check with the Chamber of Commerce. The meetings are all about meeting people who can lead you to other people who you can sell things to, because most small business is primarily about selling. Everyone in the room knows what it's like to sweat making payroll or a sales quota. It's a room — usually in a motel out by the Interstate — filled with folks who "make it happen" every day. They work the phones and pound the pavement in search of business, and by nature they don't understand how people can be unemployed for any length of time or lack health insurance or any of the other things that liberals are so worried about. I had a guy at one of those meetings tell me once, "You know to get unemployment you only have to fill out two job applications a week? If I didn't have a job, I'd go to a hundred places a week!" I believe he would, too. We think of people like this as common — in their bad sportcoats and polyester pants — but in fact their emotional make-up is rare. They get turned down every day far more often than they succeed, and while most of us would get discouraged, they keep on going. They're resilient and strong in a way that most people aren't. Attending a few networking breakfasts is the best way to understand Rush Limbaugh's audience. It's not a mass of frothing bigots; it's a bunch of salesmen who don't understand why some people give up so easily.

— Now if you want to see a place where they don't know the Civil War is over, try Monroe along Interstate 20 in northeastern Louisiana. On the western edge of the Louisiana Delta, it's where Delta Air Lines was founded as a crop-dusting company.  But Monroe is also the most segregated place I've ever lived, and the only place where I've received e-mails from locals with racial and anti-Semitic slurs. On the largely black, south side of town, you'll see neighborhoods of crumbling shotgun houses and on the north side, you'll see giant houses built in the 1920s (one of which was reputedly a hangout of Tennessee Williams when he was in town).

In neighboring West Monroe, you'll see plenty of Confederate Battle flags (which do double duty promoting the local high school football team, the deliberately named West Monroe Rebels). And yet, like the denizens of Flannery O'Connor short stories, Monroe and the surrounding farm communities are Christ-haunted. There's a church on almost every street corner, and one of the local auto dealerships even has a local Southern Baptist pastor on call as chaplain.

Its glory days as a growing city are long gone. But Monroe's saving grace is the live music. Each weekend, at local bars, you'll encounter some of the best blues, country and jazz musicians you've never heard of. I still don't know how a place so hateful can produce such divine music.

— I'm a New York native who's lived in Alabama for close to five years now.  Here's what Northerners miss:  The South is an aristocracy, and the key to understanding Alabama is that it was founded — and to some degree remains — as a state at war with a good portion of its residents.  If you live outside the region, you can get a vague sense of that, but living here really brings it home.

Slavery and segregation have both died away, but the state is still run by a relatively small number of lawyers, businessmen and lobbyists located in Montgomery.  The fiendishly awful 1901 Constitution centralizes all power in the state capitol, making local control almost nonexistent. To get permission to, say, spray for mosquitoes in a county, you have to amend the constitution in a statewide vote.  This is not an exaggeration.  The small clique of folks in the capitol city dictate tax, education and business policy for the whole state, and if you're not part of that clique — even if you're the mayor of a major city — you're not going to have a say in how the state is run.  

They prefer it that way, and always have.  Alabama was founded as a slave state, and the founders of this state were slaveholders who bent the government to keep their unjust system going and protect themselves from insurrection.  After an interlude in Reconstruction, the elites took over again and started systematically locking blacks and poor whites out of Montgomery for fear their state would be taken over.  The folks who wrote the 1901 Constitution were landholders in the middle part of the state who wanted to hold the black population under the lash and industrialists in northern Alabama who wanted to keep their (mostly white) workers in line.  Both groups shared a fearful memory of the 1890s, when the Populist Party and its humane agenda came within a stolen election or two of taking control of the state.  Alabama never had a Huey Long-type governor to smash the old boys' network, and this bunker mentality has persisted through most of this state's sad history.

So if you wonder why Alabama politicians are always looking for the "other," the one to blame for all their homemade problems, look no further than the history of this state.  The people who run Alabama are only concerned with protecting their power.  They're brazen about it, and care about their voters only inasmuch as they can convince them their frustrations are less about the system and more about liberals or immigrants.

Try to make a trip to Montgomery during the next legislative session, which starts in January and ends in April.  You'll get about three feet off the elevators before you see the hallways choked with lobbyists trying to sell (or dictate) policy to elected officials.   An actual constituent would have a hard time making their way through the crush to see their representative. That's Alabama, and that's the best way to understand it.

I’m a transplanted Midwesterner living in Spartanburg, SC.  My county is perhaps the most conservative in this very conservative state.  That aspect of it, and especially its talk radio (WORD), drives me bonkers. Our very conservative Congressman, Bob Inglis, has to demonstrate to his constituents that he’s conservative enough.  For my part, I’m a moderate centrist who, in this part of the country, might as well be a Leninist.   

Not too far away is the town of Laurens, and on the main square is a store that sells KKK apparel.  Our public school students get graded release time for Christian education classes offered by a local minister.  I am dismayed by our local crime rates and poverty.  There are so many people who seem to be unemployable.  And I have never lived in a city with such enormous class division.

So far it sounds as though I’m fulfilling all the negative stereotypes, right? But there’s much more to Spartanburg than what I’ve mentioned so far, and that’s why you should visit.  You could study Chinese and Portuguese at local Wofford College.  You could also chat with our young artists in residence at the living/studio/gallery space called Hub-Bub. You can hear German and French spoken on the street because of the number of international corporations that operate here.  Of those foreign investments, the largest by far is BMW, which produces the X5 and the Z4 at its Spartanburg County factory.  Michelin has a big operation in neighboring Greenville County.  For its part, Greenville has a French school run by Michelin, as well as a chapter of the Alliance Francaise.

Greenville

and Spartanburg are now part of a larger metro area.  Greenville is larger and richer, and it gets more national attention than Spartanburg.  But I recommend that you visit Spartanburg; I think it provides a clearer image of what the South was and where it is now.  Greenville is our future, but I think it’s lost a bit of its character during its process of massive modernization.  Spartanburg has more of an edge and is wrestling more with its problems.

The concept I try to internalize when planning an itinerary through the South is that of gradients. The South's strong collective identity can dilute the ill-attuned person's ability to observe the nuance within different sub-regions. A topographical map is a remarkable proxy for cultural gradients. The Piney Woods of Texas are remarkably more similar to Mississippi than to Midland. The Mississippi Delta all the way up towards Memphis feels much more like non-cajun South Louisiana. On the same note, the similarities between New Orleans, Memphis and St. Louis are immediately striking. 

Many thanks to everyone who wrote, whether I excerpted your e-mail or not. Obviously I've got my work cut out for me planning an itinerary — and figuring out what music to listen to on the way.

Politics Of Tough, Ctd


Rahman Moussaoui Yousef

by Chris Bodenner

A reader writes:

I work for the Federal Bureau of Prisons.  The easiest rebuttal — that I haven't seen used enough — about having terrorists in our prisons is: we *already* have them. Are any of these terrorists more dangerous than, say: John Gotti, or the Unabomber, or Manuel Noriega, or Tim McVeigh, or Ramzi Yousef  & Omar Ahmad Rahman (two who were involved in the World Trade Center bombing in 1993)?  And Noriega and Rahman aren't even in the "SuperMax" prison!  In fact, our prisons are probably more secure than that of Gitmo — has anyone escaped from there? We already house well over 100 terrorists.  It's no big deal.  Frankly — gang members are harder to control.  In our SuperMax prison (Florence, Co.), not only has there been no escape, there hasn't even been an attempted escape.

Images: Rahman (the "blind sheik"), Zacarias Moussaoui (the "20th hijacker"), and Yousef.  More incarcerated terrorists listed here. I wonder if Boehner will threaten to cut off funding for the Florence Supermax – as he has for the Thomson transfer – and ship all of those terrorists to Guantanamo.

The Afghan surge was a course correction

by Andrew Sprung

During Obama's long deliberation on AfPak policy, we heard many variations on the theme that Obama was in part boxed in by his past pronouncements and policy. In the campaign, he had cast Afghanistan as "the central front in the war on terror"; in March he had sent in an additional 21,000 troops; his chosen new commander was requesting 40,000 more. QED: resisting that demand would be a course reversal.

What's less often stressed is that the new surge of 30,000 troops was itself a wrenching shift in Administration plans, prompted by continued Taliban gains throughout the spring and by the fraud-riddled election.  On April 29, CNN asked Defense Secretary Robert Gates if the U.S. would be likely to send further troops to Afghanistan. Here's the exchange:

Q You once said that the chief lesson you learned from 40 years in government was the limits of power. So apply that lesson to Afghanistan today. What do you think of – what are the limits to what America can do in Afghanistan?

SEC. GATES: Well, I have been quoted as accurately as saying I have real reservations about significant further commitments of American military – of the American military to Afghanistan, beyond what the president has already approved. The Soviets were in there with 110,000, 120,000 troops. They didn't care about civilian casualties. And they couldn't win. If there's ever an example that military power alone cannot be successful in Afghanistan, I think it was the Soviet experience. And I think there's a lot we can learn from that. And so I worry – it is absolutely critical that the Afghans believe that this is their war. It is their war against people who are trying to overthrow their government that they democratically elected.   [snip]

Q But that means that a year from now, six months from now, you are unlikely to approve a request for additional troops in Afghanistan.

SEC. GATES: I would be a hard sell; there's no question about it. And I have not made a secret of that, either publicly or in government meetings. I think we will have – between the American military commitment and our coalition partners, the ISAF partners, we will have about 100,000 troops in Afghanistan. That's only about 10,000 shy of what the Russians had. And I think we need to think about that.

So the U.S. troop commitment has passed a signpost that may have been arbitrary but was apparently a significant marker in Gates' mind.  Plainly the situation deteriorated badly between May and September.  And surely Obama was no more eager to commit more troops than Gates was.

As Michael Crowley has chronicled, McChrystal's August report changed Gates' perspective: “I heard General McChrystal when he says it’s not so much the size of the footprint as how you use those troops, and I accept that. I think that’s right.”  Like Obama, Gates may be comfortable with the new policy. Nonetheless it's worth noting: the surge was a course correction.

Comparing Romneycare And Obamacare

by Patrick Appel

Ben Smith asks a Romney spokesman how Romney's Massachusetts plan differs from what is in congress. Smith:

The public option looks pretty dead, and the excise tax on expensive plans, while a major and controversial step, doesn't strike me as crucial to the mechanism of the plan, which leaves Romney arguing that the main difference between his plan and the national one is … that it's national. That's not a trivial point. But in the end, Romney does seem to have helped set the model for the national plan.

Netanyahu ready to deal?

by Andrew Sprung

A month ago, in a review of Hillary Clinton's tenure as Secretary of State, Michael Crowley claimed that Clinton had given birth in May to an accidental Israel policy:

Clinton revealed at a press conference that Obama’s call for an Israeli settlement freeze included any “natural growth” within existing settlements. The circumstances remain murky, but two sources with detailed knowledge of the U.S.-Israeli relationship say that the Obama team was not yet prepared to make public this departure from Bush-era policy. Rather than leave his secretary of state twisting in the wind, says one of the sources, Obama wound up repeating her formulation a few days later, touching off months of tension with the Israelis.

Crowley further reported that Clinton's subsequent praise of Netanyahu's partial settlement freeze as "unprecedented" was also unauthorized and made the White House unhappy, since it came across as a cave-in after the White House had insisted on a total freeze.

It was also, however, true.  Today, Ethan Bronner in the Times lends a sympathetic ear to the theory that Netanyahu is seriously seeking a deal. The story highlights the extent to which Clinton's original  gaffe (if gaffe it was) may have distorted perceptions of Israeli policy:

After a long career supporting Israeli settlements in occupied land and rejecting Palestinian statehood, Mr. Netanyahu said last June that he accepted the two-state idea. Three weeks ago, he imposed a 10-month freeze on building Jewish housing in the West Bank, something no Israeli leader had done before. Settlers are outraged, and Mr. Netanyahu is facing a rebellion in his party. Together with his removal of many West Bank checkpoints and barriers to Palestinian movement and economic growth, these steps went well beyond what many ever expected of him.

Yet skepticism would be a polite way of describing the reaction of the Palestinians and much of the world, who view his steps as either too little too late or a ruse aimed at buying time to pursue his real agenda.

To put this in perspective, most Israelis are almost as skeptical as the Palestinians that Netanyahu would really pull a Begin and negotiate seriously for a two-state solution. But as Bronner notes, all but the rabid right wing in Israel are aware that the country cannot afford further diplomatic isolation.

It's worth noting too that thanks in part to Netanyahu's actions, new facts on the ground are being created — by Palestinian economic development.  A recent account of rising prosperity on the West Bank by Tom Gross in the WSJ struck me as ideologically slanted, casting Palestinian progress largely as a result of Israeli largess. But the rising prosperity Gross reports is doubtless real:

I had spent that day in the West Bank's largest city, Nablus. The city is bursting with energy, life and signs of prosperity, in a way I have not previously seen in many years of covering the region. As I sat in the plush office of Ahmad Aweidah, the suave British-educated banker who heads the Palestinian Securities Exchange, he told me that the Nablus stock market was the second best-performing in the world so far in 2009, after Shanghai….[snip]

Palestinian economic growth so far this year—in a year dominated by economic crisis elsewhere—has been an impressive 7% according to the IMF, though Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayad, himself a former World Bank and IMF employee, says it is in fact 11%, partly helped along by strong economic performances in neighboring Israel.

As Andrew would say: know hope.

A Win For Insurance?

by Patrick Appel

It's a line you hear from critics of health care reform on both the right and the left. Ezra Klein gives his take:

[If] I could construct a system in which insurers spent 90 percent of every premium dollar on medical care, never discriminated against another sick applicant, began exerting real pressure for providers to bring down costs, vastly simplified their billing systems, made it easier to compare plans and access consumer ratings, and generally worked more like companies in a competitive market rather than companies in a non-functional market, I would take that deal. And if you told me that the price of that deal was that insurers would move from being the 86th most profitable industry to being the 53rd most profitable industry, I would still take that deal. And that may be the exact deal we're getting. The profit motive is not, in and of itself, a bad thing.

Incremental Reform Is Still An Option!

by Conor Friedersdorf

The smarter elements in Washington DC are starting to pick up on the fact that it’s not tactical errors on the part of the president that make it hard to get things done, it’s the fact that the country has become ungovernable.

Matthew Yglesias

As President Obama and Congressional Democrats struggle to reform health care and pass legislation on climate change, we're starting to hear a lot of progressive wonks complain that structural impediments are responsible for our woes.

"Ungovernable America." That's the headline on the post linked above. Isn't it strange that the folks making these arguments don't even feel a need to grapple with the fact that the United States has prospered more than any society in human history during the 220 years that we've operated under our current governing structure?

James Joyner makes the same point:

There’s a general consensus, which I’m part of, that our national politics have gotten more polarized and ugly in recent years.  We’re not where we were in the early 1800s, much less the mid-to-late 1800s, but it’s bad.   The filibuster, once a rare tool used to fight truly major changes, is now a routine legislative tactic.  And that’s frustrating and perhaps should be changed at the margins.  (For example, presidential appointees should get an up-or-down majority rule vote.)

That said, the institutions have not changed substantially in recent memory.  Some readers may recall the days of the George W. Bush administration, when a president with narrower margins in both Houses of Congress managed to get all manner of legislation passed, including a massive expansion of the Medicare entitlement and the authorization to fight two wars.  Off the books, no less!  During those days, Tom Daschle and then Harry Reid used every tool at their disposal to block legislation.  Sometimes, they were successful, as with Social Security privatization, perhaps the signature domestic plank of Bush’s re-election campaign; sometimes, less so.

But I actually think there is another wrinkle worth raising here. Let's return to something I argued back in July while guest-blogging at The Dish:

The worst thing about "comprehensive reform" efforts are that they shut the average citizen out of the legislative process by making bills so complicated that it is nearly impossible for the average citizen to properly evaluate whether on balance it is a wise or unwise measure. Who can predict all the effects of a 3,000 page bill spanning all manner of issues? Often times not even the legislature itself. Certainly not the press, which often focuses on bits of the legislation that won't actually have the most impact, sometimes because legislators themselves are deliberately obscuring what's actually at stake.

Comprehensive reform also seems more prone to capture by narrow lobbying interests who take advantage of its complexity to insert provisions they'd be hard pressed to get away with were more discrete questions being addressed.

And in August, I wrote:

If health care reform is defeated, one lesson should be that it is easier to scare people in misleading ways when your legislative reform package is so ambitious, ill-defined, complicated and all-encompassing that confusion about what exactly it entails and the probably consequences are rational, even inevitable. Politicians should conclude that their time is better spent taking smaller, discrete steps to reform the health care system, even though incremental legislative efforts aren’t the stuff of historical legacies or televised ceremonies where parchment is signed with a fancy pen.

Perhaps you've heard the counterarguments — that health care reform has to be comprehensive. Or let's broaden the conversation. Remember when we had to have "comprehensive immigration reform" during the Bush Administration? Or let's look back to 1994, when it was Bill Clinton who sought comprehensive health care reform. Instead America got years more with the status quo.

Of course, that isn't the only way to address policy problems.

The Senate is, to borrow a famous description, a saucer where legislation is cooled — that is its design. Thus it is extremely difficult to comprehensively reform anything. But that hardly means that problems cannot be addressed by chipping away at them a bit at a time. It merely means that they cannot be addressed in a way that is emotionally satisfying to wonks who aspire to write a white paper that comprehensively solves a problem, or presidents who want a legacy like FDR's, or Congressional reps who want to pass landmark legislation with their names on it, or a political press that loves covering things that are "historic" or "the biggest in a generation."

Progressives who find this a big rather than a feature should recognize that without this feature of the Senate, that Ronald Reagan would've done far more to gut the New Deal's legacy, and that President George W. Bush would've privatized Social Security shortly before the stock market tanked. Well, they'll respond, that doesn't change the fact that health care is a historic challenge, and that it cannot be addressed by piecemeal reform. Really? So there isn't any discrete improvement to America's health care system that you can pass?

Maybe they'd even be better than the "comprehensive bill" that may still pass!