Quote For The Day II

by Chris Bodenner

"I studied journalism, my college degree there in communications. And now I am back there wanting to build some trust back in our media. I think the mainstream media is quite broken and I think there needs to be the fairness, the balance in there — that’s why I joined Fox. Fair and balanced, yes. You know because, Jay, those years a go that I studied journalism it was all about the who, what, when, where, and why, it was not so much the opinion interjected in hard news stories," – FNC pundit Sarah Palin.

“Black Dialect”

by Patrick Appel

Hendrik Hertzberg defends his criticism of Limbaugh. He quotes a reader over at Mark Liberman’s place:

I don’t know whether Limbaugh is a racist, and I’m not sure what he says on his show is necessarily good evidence on that issue. It is clear, however, that he panders to the racism of his audience, and that he does it intentionally and repeatedly.

On War Reporting

by Patrick Appel

Marc Lynch hosted a debate:

Embedding with the military offers an unparalleled worms eye view, but it's only one part of a complex picture, and such experiences are only one of the multiple streams of information and context needed by serious analysis. One point which didn't come up in the discussion but perhaps should have is the significant difference in what can be learned between long-term war correspondents,  present in the field for months and months and able to get out into the field and really learn their turf, and the "war tourists" coming in for a week's embed or a CODEL-style set of briefings and trip through a marketplace tour to be able to say they've "been in Iraq/Afghanistan."

A Viking Rasputin

by Graeme Wood

I wish every David Brooks column resembled this one.  (Every Bob Herbert column, too, but let's not be greedy.)

I am led to believe Norwegians now spend more time during their long dark winters eating huge quantities of frozen pizza, and less time cutting off their toes to evade Nazis.  This would appear to be a good trade-off, though any softening of the Norse hardiness depicted in Brooks's column is surely to be lamented.

(Just Like) Starting Over

by Jonathan Bernstein

I think, looking back on the health care reform battle the biggest puzzle I'm going to have is the surprising failure of the Republicans to focus more attention on what I always thought was its most vulnerable point: the individual mandate. 

Now, of course, conservatives have attacked the individual mandate (to the point of casting votes on the Senate floor calling the mandate unconstitutional), but I think it's pretty clear that it was never their main avenue of attack.  Back in the summer it was "government takeover," complaints that Members of the House had not actually read the bill, and, of course, death panels.  In the fall, more government takeover.  In the Senate debate, medicare cuts were really the main focus of the GOP attack.  Oh, and the size of the bill.  Since then, it's been a mix of the importance of following the electoral mandate of the people of Massachusetts, the tyranny of using reconciliation, and finally, at the summit, the importance of starting from scratch with a clean slate, or piece of paper, or Etch a Sketch. 

Consider "starting over."  Republicans have a whole day of maximum media attention, and that's the best they could come up with?

I'm sure that starting over polled well (as I'm sure Democratic talking points did — I'm certainly not going to claim that only one side uses focus groups and polls to test their messages).  But it's not exactly a long-term argument, is it?  I mean, put aside the obvious fact (certainly obvious to every reporter who covered the summit) that the Republicans didn't actually want to start over — they wanted to kill the bill.  The real point, here, is that however "start over" tests, it's not actually an argument against health care reform.  Neither is the size of the bill.  Or whether Members have read it.  Or reconciliation (and, yes, it is possible that extremely rare and disruptive parliamentary procedures might have some effect on public opinion polls, but reconciliation is neither).  And of course "start over" is immediately irrelevant if and when the bill passes, and to my ears at least it's not much of an argument for anyone to oppose the bill.  Look at it this way: for marginal Democrats in the House, does actually starting over and spending a few more months on this issue sound appealing?  Hard to believe.

Had Republicans managed to demonize the individual mandate, which I would have thought — in fact, as Barack Obama apparently thought in 2008 — was fairly easy to do, then it would have caused plenty of trouble for the Dems.  The policy people all make the point that the individual mandate is interlocked with so many other pieces of the overall reform effort that it would have been very difficult to give that up.  I can certainly picture wavering Congressional Dems begging, in that scenario, for relief from having to vote for the dreaded mandate.  If you do that, however, can you really have a functioning policy? 

In other words, I think the Republicans are doing a lot worse in the spin war on health care reform than they could be doing.  Now, I should emphasize that the spin war is a lot less important than other parts of the battle, but it's still interesting in itself, and of course in a very close contest, whether in elections or legislating, any small thing could make the difference (oh, and I should add that while I do think it's very likely that health care is going to pass, it certainly is possible that it will break down at the end).  What I don't know is why.  On the one hand, the whole thing sounds to me like Frank Luntz, who ( I guess I should add an in my opinion) has led Republicans down the wrong track before by emphasizing words that sound good, rather than policies that voters actually like.  On the other hand, it also sounds like the effects of a party that is so good at spreading their talking points to like-minded voters that they've become lazy about the content of those talking points.  I don't know — but it's yet another thing that I hope is explained in the terrific behind-the-scenes books that I'm confident will be produced by some of the reporters who have been covering this fight.

Nanny State Watch

by Chris Bodenner

A government-commissioned report in the UK recommends a variety of media restrictions aimed to "tackle the early sexualisation of children" and counter the objectification of women. Tracy Clark-Flory is sympathetic but unconvinced:

Putting racy magazines on the news stand's top shelf only makes them more alluring. The same goes for all the other targeted vices: It isn't as though kids won't eventually find out that such things exist — and by the time they do, these adult secrets are imbued with an added electric charge. It seems a disservice to kids to so completely and thoroughly shield them from the realities of our sexualized culture, because they'll have to face it themselves eventually.

Not to mention, it's awfully hypocritical to try to protect teenagers from these "bad" things, while consuming said "bad" things ourselves — and kids are smart, they'll notice. […] It's less about protecting them and more about allowing ourselves to maintain a certain level of cognitive dissonance — because, hey, at least we're looking after the children.

The report's recommendations range from reasonable nudges – "Games consoles should be sold with parental controls already switched on" – to ridiculous regulations – "Forcing airbrushed and digitally altered photographs to display ratings symbols to show the extent to which the images had been changed." But the following is downright offensive – and doesn't seem to involve children at all:

Escort agencies, lap-dancing clubs, massage parlours and television sex channels should be banned from advertising vacancies in job centres arguing that it promotes the "normalisation" of the adult entertainment industry as a "viable career choice".

Wouldn't the stigmatization of sex-related jobs actually reinforce the view that such women are merely sex objects? I think we all agree that we are much more than our jobs.

The Romney Doctrine

by Patrick Appel

Ackerman reads Mitt Romney's No Apology: The Case For American Greatness so you don't have to:

There are two salient global facts Romney never considers in his book. The first is that it is actually possible to obtain positive-sum relations with rising powers. The rise of China does not have to equal the decline of the United States. If, as Romney argues — following Washington Post columnist Charles Krauthammer — decline is a choice, so is permanent international competition. The concept of diplomacy is completely foreign to Romney. He dismisses the State Department as “assistant secretaries and… bureaucrats” and proposes designating regional relations to “one individual” who would become a “presidential envoy or the ambassador from CENTCOM or any of the other regional military commands.”