The Gutter McCarthyism Of Liz Cheney, Ctd

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Writing in the Fred Hiatt chair for Bush-Cheney Mediocrities, Marc Thiessen continues his work as a Cheney mouthpiece, under the preposterous guise of being a journalist. This may win the False Equivalence Award this year:

Where was the moral outrage when fine lawyers like John Yoo, Jay Bybee, David Addington, Jim Haynes, Steve Bradbury and others came under vicious personal attack? Their critics did not demand simple transparency; they demanded heads. They called these individuals “war criminals” and sought to have them fired, disbarred, impeached and even jailed. Where were the defenders of the “al-Qaeda seven” when a Spanish judge tried to indict the “Bush six“? Philippe Sands, author of the “Torture Team,” crowed: “This is the end of these people’s professional reputations!” I don’t recall anyone accusing him of “shameful” personal attacks.

A small difference. None of these lawyers did commit war crimes, or rigged the plain meaning of the law to allow their political masters to torture anyone they wanted. Friedersdorf and Greenwald pounce.

Life As A Gay Ugandan

Time reports:

About a year ago, her partner's father assaulted [Pepe Julian Onziema] when he saw the couple walking down the street together. She ended up bruised and battered, her clothes torn and with a mild concussion. 

In comparison to the open hostility Onziema faces from the outside world, at her and her girlfriend's airy apartment in a Kampala, life is beautifully mundane domesticity. Her partner cooks, and Onziema chimes in that she does too in a way that makes it obvious that she doesn't. They both clean, they have friends over for beers, they watch music videos. Onziema wants more. She bought her girlfriend a ring and hopes to get married. "But if we get married, her dad has to give her away," Onziema says, discouraged by the torn jeans she keeps from the night of the attack.

(Hat tip: BTB)

Washington Bullshit Watch, Ctd

Chait begs pundits to focus their eyes:

[T]he general thrust of elite sentiment has been, as I said, depressingly myopic. It's natural to focus on improving a piece of legislation whose details remain in flux. The problem comes when the desire to improve becomes the sole focus for evaluating it. Nearly any of the great political advances in American history, viewed from ground level, looked like a pastiche of grubby compromises and half measures. At some point the imperative is to take the broader view. If they ever do that– whether health care reform succeeds or fails — the critics from the delusional left, the hysterical right and the sullen center will feel ashamed.

My similar feelings here.

Iran’s Role In Iraq

Musings On Iraq reads between the news leaks:

Iran is definitely supporting Shiite parties in Iraq’s 2010 parliamentary voting as it always has, and did help put together the National Alliance. That suits its main goal, which is a Shiite run government in Baghdad that will be friendly to Tehran and never become a rival again. After Iraq’s voting is finished on March 7, Iran will likely push for the Alliance and Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law to mend fences and form a ruling coalition again. That being said, the regime in Tehran is facing a major internal crisis with its public after its own presidential balloting.

The Revolutionary Guards were originally formed to protect the Islamic government, and would thus naturally be asked to help in a time like the present to shore up the leadership. It could still be supporting its friends in Iraq without being intimately involved in day-to-day affairs there as it was in the past. Either way, Tehran will continue to play a leading role in Iraq as it has supporters amongst many of the country’s leading parties, is one of the largest trade partners with Iraq, and is the main supplier of religious tourism and students to holy sites in Baghdad, Najaf, and Karbala. Even with its own political problems, Iran will still have these hard and soft power levers to influence events in Iraq.

The Daily Wrap

Today on the Dish we focused on the Iraq elections, with analysis from Juan Cole, Marc Lynch, and Musings on Iraq. A view from the Middle Eastern press here. Kristol shared his "expert" opinion. Greg Scoblete and Peter Beinart continued the discussion over empire.

Andrew called out Halperin's BS, lamented the latest string of self-outed officials, tackled the skewed consensus against Obama on Jewish settlements, and finally addressed at length Goldblog's criticisms over Israel. As Goldfarb got starbursts over Liz Cheney, a slew of Republican lawyers and former Bush officials united against her McCarthyism. And Joe Hagan profiled the whole Cheney clan.

The drumbeat to pass the HCR bill continued here and here, with some resistance here. Megan Carpentier built upon Don Peck's Atlantic cover story while Andrew calling Mo'Nique "smug" sparked the day's dissent. Conan was cracking up the Twitterverse. Hypocrisy from the far right here and here. Weekend wrap here. And if you haven't read Andrew's latest take on the state of conservatism, go here.

— C.B.

The Death Of Conservatism, Ctd

[Re-posted from the weekend]

The chattering classes at this moment are declaring the rebirth of conservatism in the energy on the Republican ideological right, the likelihood of major Democratic losses this fall, the success of the Republican party in defining the essentially pragmatic, centrist healthcare reform bill as a product of some left-liberal social engineering project, and on and on. The op-ed pages think in terms of this rubric; cable "news" seems incapable of seeing anything but this rubric. And the creation of a cocooned, conservative, religio-political subculture, complete with a massively lucrative publishing/broadcasting/blogging service industry, reinforces this with a cultural sledge-hammer. Republicans like Bill Kristol see "victory" ahead, have already seen "victory" in Iraq, and urge the intense and constant rallying cry of "Toujours l'audace!"

This narrative is a reflexive and easy one; it echoes the inanity of "Who Won The Day?" Politico-style  analysis; it has turned political journalism into sports journalism; it avoids historical context in favor of EdmundBurke1771 constant cultural and political amnesia. It takes the mind of the American people as an etch-a-sketch, shaken anew every electoral cycle. It infects left and right.

Just look at Frank Rich's column today, which like MSNBC to FNC, which is the same dynamic, and the same understanding of politics, and its purposes. In this worldview – which is now the worldview in American political analysis – ideology has infiltrated everything, it has saturated public and private, it has invaded even something sacred like religious faith, in which the mysteries of existence have been distilled in writing or even understanding the churches into a battle between "liberals" and "conservatives."

People accuse me of pedantry or semantics in insisting that all of this – on the right and the left – is in fact a sign of the death of conservatism as a temperament or a politics, rather than its revival. But I have been arguing this for more than a decade. Conservatism, if it means anything, is a resistance to ideology and the world of ideas ideology represents, whether that ideology is a function of the left or the right.

In the mid-twentieth century conservatism revived itself by a profound critique of liberal hubris and rationalism, of liberals' belief that they really could transform the world through better government, of the new left's critique that the personal is political, and of the stifling of human nature, individualism and freedom that socialism and communism had wrought.

From the green shoots of Hayek and Oakeshott and Friedman to the final blooming of Thatcher and Reagan, this regenerated conservatism really did restore the balance between state and society toward Oakeshottcover society and away from the state. It harnessed traditional impulses – nationalism in Britain, evangelicalism in America – but it never fully gave into them. Its pragmatism remained in the Reagan tax hikes, Thatcher's retention of socialized medicine, their mutual outreach to Gorbachev, and Thatcher's insistence on international law. In some ways, I believe, the pinnacle of this conservative achievement came in the presidency of George H W Bush and the premiership of John Major (see my 1999 NYT essay, The End Of Britain"). They both solidified the reforms of their predecessors, were the final forces that reformed the left, and made hard decisions – like raising taxes, entrenching international law in the liberation of Kuwait, or staying out of the euro – that look better and better the more time goes by. That the first Bush is so widely reviled by the "movement" that passes for conservatism in America today, in favor of the brain-dead ressentiment of Palin or the philistine pseudo-intellectualism of Gingrich or the neo-imperial radicalism of the neoconservatives, is the smell of a decomposing corpse, not a newborn child.

I believe that although Obama is indeed a liberal in the sense that he believes government really can and must improve the lives of its citizens, he is much much more like a real conservative than his detractors on right and left. The change he still represents at home is an abandonment of this ideological, red-blue abstract form of politics toward a realistic, pragmatic, reasonable center. Abroad, he represents an attempt to defuse the dangerously polarizing religious and cultural warfare that is fomenting terrorism, and further fusing religion and politics in so many places across the world. In this sense, I regard him as a vital, indispensable figure standing against the forces of ideology and religious warfare, whose failure could lead to catastrophic consequences for our future.

I remain utterly unapologetic about this belief. I stand proudly as a conservative behind him. And the more deranged the right becomes, and the more confused and angry the left gets, the more it seems important that he succeed in his presidency. Not win: succeed. Every political career ends in failure, because the problems that need to be fixed cede to different problems. Because the tragedy of human life and politics is never resolved. Because a politics aiming for "victory" is not a politics; it is a dangerous and self-destructive delusion.

Maybe my critics are right and this conservatism cannot survive in this culture. Maybe things are too far gone. But given the stakes, I refuse to believe that, and given the character and shrewd judgments and decisions this reasonable president has made, and given his extraordinary poise in this climate, and the depth of the disaster he inherited from exactly this decadent "conservatism", I believe he deserves far more support – especially from the younger generation whose future really is at issue.

My Sunday column this week treats Obama as a liberal "trimmer" in the best sense of that word. I can see the logic of his strategy and the patience it requires. I'd also like to recommend a brilliant little post by Freddie DeBoeur, a leftist who actually understands a bit about what actual conservatism is about (unlike today's "conservatives"), and how unconservative this fundamentalist, radical, unconstitutional, ideological, nihilist Republicanism now is.

There aren't many of us who back Obama for these reasons. And I certainly do not believe and have never believed he is a savior (the delusion that he is remains part of the problem for the Democrats). My Savior is not political. And in so far as I am political, the last thing I'd ever want to be is "saved".

But I remain gladly standing athwart the current conservative movement yelling "Stop!" Because even if it achieves the "victory" it so desperately seeks, its very identity ensures that it will kill the things – both political and religious – it purports to love.

The Gutter McCarthyism Of Liz Cheney, Ctd

Scott Horton joins the fray:

[T]he incompetent McCarthyites haven’t done their homework. On a list of lawyers in recent government service who have served alleged terrorists, the first name might be Michael Chertoff’s. Chertoff served as counsel to Magdy El-Amir, a man identified as a leading Al Qaeda fundraiser in North America. Chertoff went on to head the criminal division at Justice and then to become secretary of Homeland Security.

There is no hint that his ties to El-Amir in any way influenced Chertoff in his duties in the Bush Administration, nor would any reasonable person suspect that they would. The list would also include Michael Mukasey, Bush’s last attorney general, whose law firm had an active pro bono program writing appeals briefs in support of the Guantánamo inmates on constitutional issues, and Rudy Giuliani, whose firm was and is also engaged in representing Gitmo prisoners. It therefore came as no surprise when leading Republican lawyers quickly came out attacking the Cheney-Kristol-Goldfarb project as “shameful.”

The Cheney-Kristol faction reveals once again their contempt for core American values: they endorse torture and they demonize lawyers who represent unpopular clients. All I can say is that I hope Dick Cheney gets as good a lawyer as he can when he eventually faces war crimes charges.

Face Of The Day

MONGOLCOWPaulaBronstein:Getty

A dead cow lays on the frozen ground on March 8, 2010 in Bayantsogt, Tuv province, Mongolia. Most of Mongolia is suffering from a Dzud, a phenomena of a severely cold winter following a summer drought, and this has left insufficient grazing feed for livestock. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) estimate 2.7 million head of livestock have perished already, but believe that figure will double by the end of June. The UNDP is working with other UN agencies to provide a 'cash-for-work' programme in which herders will receive income to bury the carcasses of livestock in an effort to prevent spread of disease and pollution once the snow begins to melt. By Paula Bronstein /Getty Images.