The GOP Over-Reach

Ponnuru faces reality. How, for example, does Perry win a general election on the issues he has already firmly attached himself to:

Texas Governor Rick Perry has suggested that Social Security and Medicare are unconstitutional and that they should be replaced by state-run programs. There’s a reason no Republican candidate since 1964 has run on a platform anything like this one on entitlements: Both programs are extremely popular.

Perry has also suggested that he disapproves of the New Deal, seeing it as a moment when the federal government began to exceed the constitutional limits of its power. He hasn’t said he wants to undo the New Deal, but it’s not out of bounds for Democrats to make the charge, given the importance he attaches to constitutionalism.

Agreed. In Perry, the Dems have someone who hates the whole concept of social security and Medicare. They used to fantasize about such an opponent. And Obama's current weakness is tempting the GOP to dig even deeper into holes that will be impossible to get out of next year. They really intend to again prevent someone with pre-existing conditions from getting health insurance. They want to abolish the EPA. This is not an electorally viable platform, and yet the signs suggest that only Huntsman understands the gravity of the over-reach. 

Lack Of Irony Watch

"Like you, I’m not for sale," – Sarah Palin.

I was all convinced by John Fund's takedown of Palin's chances of running, because of her closeness to Perry. And then you read in her speech a diatribe against "crony corporate capitalism," which is Bachmann's line against Perry. And you wonder again. I'd go through the speech Palin made but it was so rambling, extreme and catch-all it's simply another example of her total detachment from reality and worth less scrutiny than your average Denny's menu.

But having now read Joe McGinniss's "The Rogue," I can safely say that reality is about to re-attach to her. Finally! Some actual, reported, unafraid journalism on this farce of a candidate. Pre-order now.

Christianism – And Its Defenders

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One of the more engaging discourses I read while I was sick was the exchange between Ryan Lizza and Ross Douthat on exactly how radical the Christianist writer Francis Schaeffer is. Schaeffer had a huge influence on Michele Bachmann, and his work is clearly part of the thriving Christianist/GOP subculture. Ross's first post in defense of this radical is here. Ryan's riposte is here. Ross concludes here.

The core question is whether Schaeffer advocated revolutionary violence against a government so corrupted by liberal elitism and "humanism" that it had ceased to command legitimate authority. The theocon journal, First Things, when edited by Richard John Neuhaus, stirred up a huge fuss a few years back with a symposium on the very same topic. And this is not peripheral to Christianist ideology. Christianists believe that anything other then Biblical principle as a guide to law and politics is literally Satanic – and so a post-Roe and post-Lawrence America is a clear example of a society commanding legal protections for intrinsic and grave evil, i.e. abortion and homosexuality. What does a faithful citizen do in a country where this is becoming a permanent regime, when Roe remains intact decades after passage and has been upheld by many Republican-appointed Justices? What does she do when gay citizens, instead of being ashamed or seeking a cure for their depravity, actually demand – and achieve by majorities in legislatures! – civil equality in the key area of civil marriage?

Ross argues that all that Schaeffer is calling for is civil disobedience, the honorable non-violent resistance to unjust laws as a means to change the hearts and minds of the democratic majority. And the evidence shows that Schaeffer was indeed devoted to civil disobedience – protesting outside abortion clinics, marching, politicking – in a manner that should trouble no one in a free society.

But the key point becomes: is there a point at which, for Schaeffer, civil disobedience is not enough?

Ross argues that it is when civil disobedience is literally made illegal, when the First Amendment is abolished. But if that were the case, it would not just be Christianists overthrowing the government, it would be a whole lot of us. And, of course, we have no evidence of such a thing coming to pass in America (unless, of course, you happen to be an Islamist sympathizer). What we do have is federal, judicially imposed abortion, secular public schools and gay marriage – all seemingly entrenching themselves deeper and deeper into the broader culture. In the book whose lecture series influenced Bachmann so much, How Should We Then Live?, we are told that

[Schaeffer] further warns that this government will not be obvious like the fascist regimes of the 20th century but will be based on manipulation and subtle forms of information control, psychology, and genetics.

Ah, yes, the paranoid Beckian twist. And it is in that context that Schaeffer takes some pains to insist on a bottom line for armed revolt:

"When any office commands that which is contrary to the Word of God, those who hold that office abrogate their authority and they are not to be obeyed. And that includes the state … Rutherford offered suggestions concerning illegitimate acts of the state. A ruler, he wrote, should not be deposed merely because he commits a single breach of the compact he has with the people. Only when the magistrate acts in such a way that the governing structure of the country is being destroyed—that is, when he is attacking the fundamental structure of society—is he to be relieved of his power and authority.

That is exactly what we are facing today. The whole structure of our society is being attacked and destroyed. It is being given an entirely opposite base which gives exactly opposite results. The reversal is much more total and destructive than that which Rutherford or any of the Reformers faced in their day."

This seems to me to hand the debate entirely to Lizza. Schaeffer says that the humanist liberal elites are "attacking the fundamental structure of society" today. By that he meant the 1980s. How much more undermined is the "fundamental structure" of society in 2011? How many more millions of abortions have taken place? How many more millions of incidents of contracepted sex or sodomy have occurred since then? And note that, for Schaeffer, the 1980s were worse with respect to anti-Christian tyranny than that which justified violent overthrow of governments during the Reformation. Necessarily embedded in his argument, it seems to me, is that the current American regime, because it is based on secular pluralism and not Christianism, is illegitimate and must be overthrown.

And this is the core point: Schaeffer is deeply illiberal, profoundly opposed to the Enlightenment on which the US Constitution rests and determined to replace Enlightenment thought with a Biblically based regime. The choice is pretty clear. Either you base your conception of politics on the Constitution, framed along Enlightenment principles with a Deist architect floating ethereally behind it, or you believe that religious doctrine is and must be the core basis for our society, and that a long-standing government that continuously permits and encourages absolute evil must be resisted, eventually with force.

Yes, Schaeffer is careful with his words. But not that careful. The truth is: Ross's party is defined by a radical theological politics that a New York Times columnist has to to diminish or whitewash in order to defend. The question I ask myself is: at what point do these fanatics lose legitimacy in Douthat's eyes? Or will he keep finding excuses for their illiberalism for ever?

(Photo: Francis Schaeffer via the Institute for the Study of American Evangelicals.)

Romney Not-Dead-Yet Watch

Even as Huntsman directly takes on his Mormon rival, Jonathan Bernstein won’t count him out:

What we’re basically left with, barring something unprecedented (which could happen, but isn’t likely to), is Romney and Perry. And Perry is untested with a national audience – untested with the national press, untested with national Republican party actors, and untested with voters outside of Texas. Which hardly means that he’s destined to flop, but there sure are a lot of hoops he has to jump through.

And if he falters? Then Mitt Romney is the Republican nominee for president in 2012. Death watches notwithstanding.

Agreed. Perry, in my view, is too extremist for America. Romney is far less grating on suburban ears and eyes. I’ll be live-blogging the debate Wednesday but until we know if Palin is running or not, I think gaming out the race is pretty close to impossible.

Are All Drivers Socialists?

We're all Bachmanns now. James D. Schwartz:

[I]t is undeniable that driving places enormous costs on our society, and this cost is highly subsidized by our government. … In China a litre of gasoline ($0.946) is almost 3 times the cost of a one-way ticket on local public transport ($0.32). In the United States  a one-way ticket on public transit ($1.94) is almost double the cost of a litre of gasoline ($1.00).

Lloyd Alter concurs:

If the government owned all the grocery stores and apartment buildings, and and then sold or rented it with a massive subsidy to everyone, it would be called socialism. But Republicans have no problem with government owning the roads and giving them away almost for free, (the gas tax only covers a portion of the costs), and complaining about a few nickels being directed to those who do not drive. Who are the real socialists?

China’s Nicotine Habit

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Mike Frick tours tobacco farms in Yunnan Province while investigating the country's incipient anti-smoking movement, which achieved a partial ban in public indoor spaces in May but is up against serious challenges from a government and tobacco industry that are "one and the same." Some startling statistics:

China is the world’s largest producer and consumer of tobacco. The 2010 Global Adult Tobacco Survey, conducted by the Chinese Centers for Disease Control in partnership with the US CDC and the World Health Organization, estimates that China has 350 million smokers, or more smokers than the entire population of the United States. Smoking in China remains a highly gendered behavior with 57.4% of men and 3% of women smoking, respectively (WHO, 2010). The concentration of smoking among men reflects advertising and marketing strategies that have linked tobacco to traditional notions of masculine identity (nanzihan – ???), political leadership (imagery of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping smoking) and expressions of nationalism and patriotism (cigarette brands such as Zhonghua – ??). Anthropologists such as Matthew Kohrman have described how exchanging cigarettes forms the currency of male networking and friendship in rural and urban China (Kohrman, 2007).

Apparently smoking is still permitted in sports stadiums. 

(Photo: New signs warn 'No Smoking' at a shopping mall May 1, 2011 in Wuhan, Hubei Province of China. Photo by ChinaFotoPress/Getty Images)

Why Hasn’t The Internet Made Everyone Rich? Ctd

Rob Horning challenges Jaron Lanier's comparison of young people who don't profit online to tea-partiers:

Some leftists argue that the internet is fostering an alternative to private individual wealth in the form of the common, something akin to what the government once marshaled resources for when it used to provide a safety net. The Tea Partyers reject the common, reject government guarantees of basic levels of welfare for all — they are completely on board with the neoliberal program that basically thrusts workers into a Hobbesean war for survival. 

Everyone has the "right" to fend for themselves, and it is more important that nobody get a "handout" than some sort of social standard of living be upheld. Their solution to the lack of opportunity is not that different from Lanier’s: more extreme neoliberalism, more privatizing, redoubled efforts to find profit opportunities in everyday practices.

But does Lanier think that the kids who use social media as a consolation are consciously on board with that ideology? Seems as likely that they are more idealistic about what online "sharing" might portend for society, if they ascribe a politics to their practice.