The Economics Of Hot Stewardesses, Ctd

McArdle dismantles the notion that deregulation decreased the looks of flight attendants:

You could probably still get a large group of young, hot women to take a job that involves free flights all around the world.  But those jobs are no longer open, because airlines stopped firing all the old, fat parents. Thanks to a combination of feminist shaming, union demands, and anti-discrimination laws. Moreover, once they no longer fired people over a certain age, union seniority rules immediately started selecting for older workers, in two ways:  layoffs are usually last hired first fired, and older people have a lot of sunk costs in terms of pension accrual and seniority, so they're less likely to leave.  If you fly a major airline, you'll notice very few stewardesses in their twenties.

Jess Zimmerman can't believe that we are debating the issue:

McArdle doesn’t mention another factor, which is that some of the beautiful women who would have been stewardesses in the Pan Am era are now allowed to be lawyers and scientists and crazy things like that. Outside-the-home work for women was just starting to ramp up in the early 60s, and there were limits on what jobs were considered achievable for the ladies.

A few readers provide further background:

Glenn Whitman's reading of the topic is ahistorical. A cursory glance at this "Timeline of Flight Attendants' Fight Against Discrimination," which is provided on the website for the 2006 book, Femininity in Flight: A History of Flight Attendants by historian Kathleen Barry, reveals that flight attendants and their unions began fighting against limitations on their age, size, looks, and their gender, as early as the 1950s. Gail Collins's 2009 book When Everything Changed narrates how one of the very first complaints presented to the new EEOC office after the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was by flight attendants. The NYT review of the book explains:

The commission’s clerical staff was "still unpacking when Barbara Roads, a union leader for the flight attendants, and another stewardess arrived. . . .'This woman came up to us, two blondes in stewardess uniforms, and she said, ‘What are you doing here?' Roads recalled. The two women . . . told them about the airline ban on marriage, the age discrimination and the endless measurements to check for weight gain. 'They couldn’t believe it.'

In a 1964 Congressional hearing, when airline executives testified that it was imperative for businessmen that attractive women light their cigars and fix drinks, Representative Martha Griffiths said, "What are you running, an airline or a whorehouse?" and the conversation began to change.

The invisible hand of the market was not responsible for this change (which also affected men who wanted to be flight attendants); it was the direct result of union activism and the 1964 Civil Rights Act.

A lawyer elaborates on that law's role:

It created the "customer preference" line of case law that basically said that whether or not a customer "prefers" a particular type of person cannot justify discrimination in employment unless it is a "bona fide occupational qualification", such as a type of actor (male/female, black/white, young/old, etc.) in a particular role.  You may remember that several years ago there was a row about this with regard to Hooters, and they eventually convinced the EEOC that hot waitresses were central to their business – not being a restaurant serving food. Ironically, Pam Am was among the earliest airlines to get hit with a Title VII claim on this point, which means they probably had the hottest stewardesses back in the day.

How Reactionary Is The Conservative Mind?

Sheri Berman did not like Corey Robin's new book on conservatism:

The twin goals of this collection of previously published essays are to provide a coherent definition of conservatism and reveal the ideology’s flaws through detailed analysis of various conservative thinkers and arguments. The book’s problems lie not in concept, but in execution. Driven to distraction by anger at his subject, Robin ends up reproducing many of the pathologies he is trying to criticize. The result is a diatribe that preaches to the converted rather than offering much to general readers sincerely trying to under­stand the right’s role in contemporary American political dysfunction.

Robin responds:

My goal in writing The Reactionary Mind was to understand the right—not to criticize it or to show why it’s wrong, but to get inside its head, to examine its leading ideas and bring its sense and sensibility into focus. I did not aim to “document the wreckage” of the right or to trace the linkages between its “ideas, policies, and outcomes.” Nor did I intend, as Berman later writes, to “reveal the ideology’s flaws” or to provide an account “of the right’s role in contemporary American political dysfunction.” Least of all was I trying to explain why my “own side is on balance more deserving.”

My own response to Robin's blog-post length articulation of his arguments here. This weekend: a broken arm and the book itself.

Perry’s Evangelical Problem?

The attacks on Romney's Mormonism haven't paid dividends yet. Against Obama, Romney actually does better than Perry among evangelicals:

Perry’s most alarming area of under-performance is among evangelicals, a conservative faction squarely in Perry’s wheelhouse. This is a governor whose revival rally filled a Houston football stadium, who courts conservative bigwigs in language that reveals a Biblical fluency. Less than a week ago, a Perry supporter sparked a kerfuffle by suggesting that Romney, a Mormon, would not appeal to Evangelicals on the hunt for a true Christian candidate rather than an adherent to a "cult." And yet in TIME’s poll, Romney outperforms Perry among Evangelicals, leading Obama 51% to 39%. Perry leads Obama among Evangelicals as well, but by a slimmer 46% to 40% margin. That head-to-head deficit in a prime Perry demographic may underscore the degree to which his faltering performance has sowed doubts among potential supporters. 

Quote For The Day

129036388

"Many of our rich men have not been content with equal protection and equal benefits, but have besought us to make them richer by act of Congress. By attempting to gratify their desires we have in the results of our legislation arrayed section against section, interest against interest, and man against man, in a fearful commotion which threatens to shake the foundations of our Union. It is time to pause in our career to review our principles, and if possible revive that devoted patriotism and spirit of compromise which distinguished the sages of the Revolution and the fathers of our Union," – Andrew Jackson, Veto of the Second Bank of the United States, 1832.

(Photo: A construction worker holds up a sign in solidarity with protesters with the 'Occupy Wall Street' movement as they walk to Park Avenue after briefly demonstrating in front of the residence of NewsCorp CEO Rupert Murdoch on October 11, 2011 in New York City. By Spencer Platt/Getty Images.)

The Dogma Of Meritocracy

Dreher asks the successful to stop condescending to the less fortunate:

I had an obese acquaintance once who overate compulsively as a neurotic reaction to fear of male attention; she had been molested as a young girl, and this was her involuntary way of protecting herself by making herself unattractive. Hers is an extreme example, obviously, but the point is you really never know what’s really going on with people that keep them from living up to an ideal. You never really know what invisible burdens they carry that they did not choose for themselves. This is why it’s so hard to know where the line is between laziness and self-indulgent excuse making, and a sense of mercy and realism on the other.

The ideology of meritocracy, though, depends on the fiction that there are no meaningful differences, in terms of nature or nurture, among us, and that we’re all starting from the same place, and have the capacities to excel equally, no matter what. It’s this ideology that can lead people to think that if you’ve failed, it must be your own fault. Sometimes it really is your own fault. It’s the must be that’s problematic.