Recuse Yourself, Chris Wallace

Tonight will be the last and probably one the most important debates in the season so far. It will be moderated by Fox News anchors, who are, at this point, the real Republican Establishment. One of them will be Chris Wallace and here's what he just said about the man who could well win the Iowa Caucuses:

“Well, and the Ron Paul people aren’t going to like me saying this, but, to a certain degree, it will discredit the Iowa caucuses because, rightly or wrongly, I think most of the Republican establishment thinks he is not going to end up as the nominee. So, therefore, Iowa won’t count and it will go on.”

Notice how Wallace is entirely of the Republican Media Establishment. They (and his boss, Roger Ailes) have decided quite consciously to erase Ron Paul from coverage, or have discussion of him (as with Hannity's dredging up the old racist newsletters as the first item when discussing Paul last night) loaded immediately with scorn, and derision. Notice how Wallace is already spinning a Paul victory as one that would discredit Iowa voters. He's doing that not as an analysis after the event, but as spin before it. He's basically saying that the votes of Iowans do not count in advance if they decide for Ron Paul. Between what Ailes demands and the voters want, there is no contest. You want to see contempt for the Republican voter? Forget MSNBC. Try Fox.

It seems to me that Wallace needs to recuse himself from tonight's debate. A man who is openly backing the Establishment against the possible winner of the vote is not an impartial moderator. He is a tool.

Is A Legal Education Bullshit?

Paul Campos is blunt:

Our modal law professor is a man or woman who knows very little about the actual practice of law in any form, given that he or she spent very little time — increasingly, at more elite schools, literally no time — practicing law before entering the legal academy. This fact means that to a significant extent the leaders of our profession (let us call our hypothetical specimen Professor Leader) have to spend much of their time in class bullshitting. This is a natural consequence of the fact that the rhetorical posture of Prof. Leader requires him to represent to his students that is teaching them how to be lawyers. But Prof. Leader knows nothing about being a lawyer. Hence, he must bullshit — he does not lie to his students about how to be a lawyer (doing so would require him to know how to be a lawyer, while attempting to deceive his students regarding the substance of that knowledge); rather, he "talks without knowing what he is talking about."

Date Rape And Personal Responsibility, Ctd

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A reader writes:

Sorry, but the first two readers you quote here just don’t get it. There is a world of difference between warning pedestrians to be careful when they cross the street or warning drivers not to leave their keys in their car and, once again, warning women not to “let” themselves get raped. Police don’t refuse to arrest drunk drivers or car thieves because the victim was dumb or just not careful. Prosecutors don’t decline to prosecute them for those reasons. Victims of drunk driving or car thefts are not ostracized in their communities or schools for acting like stupid sluts and trying to get otherwise nice boys in trouble. The reason victims of rape don’t see justice, and often are in fact penalized for coming forward, is because of these antiquated attitudes that the victim asked for it and therefore it was not a crime.

Another differs:

I don’t like either of the last two reader emails attacking the ad. The ad isn’t saying don’t drink and the possibility of rape is zero; it just says the girl in the ad wasn’t coherent enough to make her intentions known. It’s simply pointing out that you’re better off not getting so drunk that you can’t even put up the civilized, easy barrier of the word “no” in some implied party-like situation. That’s it.

So the last reader isn’t offering some solution with new wording: “She tried to stop him, but was too drunk to move”.  So now we should say she couldn’t fight the rapist off and that’s what she should be doing? Again, the simplicity is the ability to say “no”.

As the father of a young girl, I certainly want to get the message to boys and men that rape is a terrible crime and you are a criminal if you do it, there is no excuse, and more. However, if I can convince my daughter that at least keeping her wits about her at a party with alcohol so she can say “no” when necessary, I think she has a greater chance of not being the victim of a crime.

Another:

In response to your reader who asks, “Where are the ads telling boys DON’T RAPE or you’ll go to JAIL?” The California Department of Health Services and the California Coalition Against Sexual Assault has launched the MyStrength campaign. The campaign has a series of statements that begin with “My strength is not for hurting.” One poster says “My strength is not for hurting.  So when she was too drunk to decide, I decided we shouldn’t.” From their vision statement:

Our vision is a world free from sexual violence. To help make this vision a reality, we’re initiating “The MyStrength Campaign” to enlist to young men to take action to stop rape. The campaign centers on the theme of “My Strength is Not for Hurting,” and is designed to raise awareness of sexual violence among youth and highlight the vital role that young men can play in fostering healthy, safe relationships.

It may not include threats of jail, but I think this may be much more effective in changing behavior and teaching young men personal responsibility than the prospect of jail time.

Three posters from that ad campaign are seen above. A fourth was sent to Fail Blog:

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Caption:

Submitted by Haverford, who writes “This was on an anti-rape poster. The original said ‘My strength is not for hurting, so when she was drunk I backed off.'”

The Debt Double Standard

Using the American Airlines bankruptcy as an example, James Surowiecki highlights how we often treat companies and homeowners differently when it comes to default:

It is now generally accepted that when it’s economically irrational for a company to keep paying its debts it will try to renegotiate them or, failing that, default. For creditors, that’s just the price of business. But when it comes to another set of borrowers the norms are very different. The bursting of the housing bubble has left millions of homeowners across the country owing more than their homes are worth. In some areas, well over half of mortgages are underwater, many so deeply that people owe forty or fifty per cent more than the value of their homes. In other words, a good percentage of Americans are in much the same position as American Airlines: they can still pay their debts, but doing so is like setting a pile of money on fire every month.

The Brain, The Dollar, And The Law

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Robert Shiller thinks neuroscience will transform the way we understand the economy:

Efforts to link neuroscience to economics have occurred mostly in just the last few years, and the growth of neuroeconomics is still in its early stages. But its nascence follows a pattern: revolutions in science tend to come from completely unexpected places. 

Sara Reardon doesn't expect a similar revolution in the courtroom.

(Image by Flickr user opensourceway)

Choosing No Children

An anonymous philosopher recounts her struggle to convince her male doctors that she was, in fact, okay with a procedure that would leave her infertile. In the end, she got approval only after visiting a female physician:

The attitude of most of the doctors I dealt with made me feel like my preference for childlessness was somehow unnatural, and shouldn’t be given the same respect as most women’s preference for having children. And what upsets me most about this, on reflection, is not what happened to me specifically, but what must surely happen to many women like me. I’m fortunate – I’ve never wanted children, and so in this case the needs of my body didn’t conflict with my preferences. But there are so many women in similar situations who do want children very much. I suspect that these women feel a lot of pressure – sometimes subtle, sometimes not-so-subtle – to forge ahead fearlessly in their attempts to get pregnant, and to view adoption as a distant second-best.

She follows up to share the consequences of her choice, concluding:

My partner and I are a family. We are a childless family, but that doesn’t make our family any less real or legitimate. The implication that people who don’t have children don’t have families – don’t have parents and siblings, aunts and uncles, nieces and nephews, partners, friends, pets – is beyond insulting. People have sometimes clarified their comment by saying that they were talking about a "nuclear family" (whatever that means). But just as I have an extended family, I also have a nuclear family. We are simply a family of two, rather than some n greater than two. Likewise, people without children and without romantic partners have nuclear families just as much as I do – those families are simply composed a little differently than my own. Whatever child-bearing abilities infertile women may lack, they do not lack families.

Previous Dish coverage of this topic here and here.

None Of The Above 2012!

Jay Cost grumbles

[I]s it that unreasonable to expect more than Gingrich and Romney? I find both of them inadequate for the monumental challenges facing this country. For starters, both have been rejected by the party at points in the past – Gingrich by the House Republicans in 1998 and Romney by the whole GOP electorate in 2008 – so why, now that times are even tougher, should we turn to them? Beyond that, our government needs widespread reforms; old ways of doing business must be undone, and that requires presidential leadership of the highest caliber, and I doubt that either can deliver. In different ways, they’re too attached to the old ways, and I just doubt that the country will follow their lead. … The current field is manifestly insufficient, and America requires somebody better. Washington didn’t retire to his estate to ride his horses and tend to his garden. Can’t one of those Republicans (we all know who they are) get off the sidelines and get into this game? Is that really asking too much?

Ron Paul For The GOP Nomination

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[Re-posted from earlier today.]

The Dish goes through the process of endorsing candidates in a primary season, not because I'm under any illusions that my endorsement counts. It probably hurts an insignificant amount, if anything. I try to make a decision – because it's easy to pontificate, debate, counter and riff off the various eddies in the campaign, but in the end, it comes to a choice for all voters in the booth. Why should a blogger avoid that responsibility? And I should be clear. This endorsement is mine and mine alone.

For a long time, I thought Huntsman would be my ideal candidate. And indeed, his tax reform proposals – modeled on Bowles-Simpson – are dead-on. Removing every single deduction in one heave would do more to empower market-based decisions in the economy and to throw lobbyists out of work than any other single measure. It's the most important, simple, productive move we can make right now and Obama has been a coward and a fool for not embracing it. Alas, the rates Huntsman favors are, to my mind, far too low, given the desperate need for revenues, if we are to tackle the debt seriously. But we are not electing a dictator. We are electing one branch of three that govern us. Huntsman is not the kind of Republican who couldn't compromise with Democrats. The Grand Bargain may become possible again.

On foreign policy, Huntsman also favors a more realist correction to neocon excess, and would build on Obama's remarkable successes, without invoking some of Obama's more worrying bleeding heart tendencies. His longstanding ties to America's most important global partner, China, make him uniquely qualified to take that relationship to a new level. Unlike Romney, he is not for starting a trade war. And his sanity on climate change – certainty that it is man-made but real skepticism about how to tackle it – is, in my view, the conservative position. And, almost alone among the Republicans, he acknowledges that gay people exist and that our committed relationships merit recognition in the law.

So why not Huntsman? The sad truth is: he simply hasn't connected with the voters, generates little enthusiasm, and has run a mediocre campaign. He started timidly, and failed from the get-go to make a clear distinction between him and Romney. He isn't even campaigning in Iowa; and remains behind in New Hampshire. Nationally, he is at a sad 3.2 percent, a number that has barely budged since the summer. For all intents and purposes, he is a one-state candidate. I welcome his participation but view it as a marker for 2016, if the GOP crashes and burns next year, as they well might with Newt Romney. With such a defeat (and one would hope it is decisive), there will be an opportunity to rebuild a reality-based conservatism. And Huntsman may well be the man to lead it. I sure hope so.

Which brings me to Ron Paul. Let me immediately say I do not support many of his nuttier policy proposals. I am not a doctrinaire libertarian. Paul's campaign for greater oversight of the Fed is 135306910great, but abolition of it is utopian and dangerous. A veto of anything but an immediately balanced budget would tip the US and the world into a serious downturn (a process to get there in one or two terms makes much more sense). Cutting taxes as he wants to is also fiscally irresponsible without spending cuts first. He adds deductions to the tax code rather than abolish them. His energy policy would intensify our reliance on carbon, not decrease it. He has no policy for the uninsured. There are times when he is rightly described as a crank. He has had associations in the past that are creepy when not downright ugly.

But all this is why a conservative like me is for Obama. What we are talking about here is who to support in a primary dominated by extremes, resentment, absence of ideas and Obama-hatred.

And I see in Paul none of the resentment that burns in Gingrich or the fakeness that defines Romney or the fascistic strains in Perry's buffoonery. He has yet to show the Obama-derangement of his peers, even though he differs with him. He has now gone through two primary elections without compromising an inch of his character or his philosophy. This kind of rigidity has its flaws, but, in the context of the Newt Romney blur, it is refreshing. He would never take $1.8 million from Freddie Mac. He would never disown Reagan, as Romney once did. He would never speak of lynching Bernanke, as Perry threatened. When he answers a question, you can see that he is genuinely listening to it and responding – rather than searching, Bachmann-like, for the one-liner to rouse the base. He is, in other words, a decent fellow, and that's an adjective I don't use lightly. We need more decency among Republicans.

And on some core issues, he is right. He is right that spending – especially on entitlements and defense – is way out of control. Unlike his peers, he had the balls to say so when Bush and Cheney were wrecking the country's finances, and rendering us close to helpless when the Great Recession came bearing down. Alas, he lacks the kind of skills at compromise, moderation and restraint that once defined conservatism and now seems entirely reserved for liberals. But who else in this field would? Romney would have to prove his base cred for his entire presidency. Gingrich is a radical utopian and supremely nasty fantasist.

I don't believe Romney or Gingrich would cut entitlements as drastically as Paul. But most important, I don't believe that any of the other candidates, except perhaps Huntsman, would cut the military-industrial complex as deeply as it needs to be cut. What Paul understands – and it's why he has so much young support – is that the world has changed. Seeking global hegemony in a world of growing regional powers among developing nations is a fool's game, destined to provoke as much backlash as lash, and financially disastrous as every failed empire in history has shown.

We do not need tens of thousands of troops in Europe. We do not need to prevent China's rise, but to accommodate it as prudently as possible. We do need to get out of the Middle East to the maximum extent and return our relationship with Israel to one between individual nations, with different interests and common ideals, not some divine compact between two Zions. We do need a lighter, more focused, more lethal war against Jihadism – but this cannot ever again mean occupying countries we do not understand and cannot control. I suspect every other Republican would launch a war against Iran. Paul wouldn't. That alone makes a vote for him worthwhile.

Breaking the grip of neoconservative belligerence on conservative thought and the Republican party could make space again for more reasoned and seasoned managers of foreign policy. Embracing the diversity of a multi-cultural, multi-faith America is incompatible with Christianism and the ugly anti-illegal immigrant fervor among the Republican base. But it is perfectly compatible with a modest, humble libertarianism that allows a society to find its own way, without constant meddling 133051306and intervention in people's lives. Just as vitally, no other Republican (or Democrat) would end the war on drugs, one of the most counter-productive, authoritarian campaigns against individual liberty this country has known since Prohibition.

He could also begin to unwind the imperial presidency. We would no longer go to war without a full Congressional vote and approval. Torture would not return under Paul, making it more likely that we can contain that virus to the criminal regime of Cheney and Bush. Politics would be marked more by what wasn't done, rather than what was – a truly conservative move and in stark contrast with the man who really would have made a good Marxist, Newt Gingrich.

The constant refrain on Fox News that this man has "zero chance" of being the nominee is a propagandistic lie. Nationally, Paul is third in the polls at 9.7 percent. In Iowa, he may win. In New Hampshire, it is Paul, not Gingrich, who is rising this week as Romney drifts down. He's at 19 percent, compared with Gingrich's 24. He is the third option for the GOP. And I believe an Obama-Paul campaign would do us all a service. We would have a principled advocate for a radically reduced role for government, and a principled advocate for a more activist role. If Republicans want a real debate about government and its role, they have no better spokesman. He is the intellectual of the field, not Gingrich.

I am, like many others these days, politically homeless. A moderate, restrained limited government conservatism that seeks to amend, not to revolt, to reform, not to revolutionize, is unavailable. I'm a Tory who has come to see universal healthcare as a moral necessity that requires some minimal government support, who wants government support for a flailing recovery now, but serious austerity once we recover. I favor massive private and public investment in non-carbon energy, because I am a conservative who does not believe our materialism trumps the need for conserving our divine inheritance. I back marriage equality and marijuana legalization as Burkean adjustments to a changing society. I see a role for government where Paul doesn't.

But Paul's libertarianism may be the next best thing available in the GOP. It would ensure real pressure to make real cuts in entitlements and defense; it would extricate America from the religious wars of the Middle East, where we do not belong. It would challenge the statist, liberal and progressive delusion that for every problem there is a solution, let alone a solution devised by government. As part of offering the world a decent, tolerant conservatism, these instincts are welcome. As an antidote – and a very strong one – to the fiscal recklessness and lawless belligerence of Bush-Cheney, it is hard to beat. The Tea Party, for all their flaws, are right about spending and the crony capitalism it foments. So is Paul.

I regard this primary campaign as the beginning of a process to save conservatism from itself. In this difficult endeavor, Paul has kept his cool, his good will, his charm, his honesty and his passion. His scorn is for ideas, not people, but he knows how to play legitimate political hardball. Look at his ads – the best of the season so far. His worldview is too extreme for my tastes, but it is more honestly achieved than most of his competitors, and joined to a temperament that has worn well as time has gone by.

I feel the same way about him on the right in 2012 as I did about Obama in 2008. Both were regarded as having zero chance of being elected. And around now, people decided: Why not? And a movement was born. He is the "Change You Can Believe In" on the right. If you are an Independent and can vote in a GOP primary, vote Paul. If you are a Republican concerned about the degeneracy of the GOP, vote Paul. If you are a citizen who wants more decency and honesty in our politics, vote Paul. If you want someone in the White House who has spent decades in Washington and never been corrupted, vote Paul.

Oh, and fuck you, Roger Ailes.

(Photos: Tom Williams/Roll Call; Alex Wong, Kevork Djansezian/Getty.)

The Daily Wrap

Today on the Dish, Andrew endorsed Ron Paul for the GOP nomination, Christine O'Donnell championed Romney, and Nate Silver ran the latest numbers in Iowa. Mitt has an evangelical problem, his brand of capitalism is inadequate, though his tax plan is relatively moderate. The former governor borrowed the KKK's slogan, he went after Gingrich's money, and may run (back) to the center. The GOP may be willing to lose in 2012, but electability can be persuasive, and the president can't let the chairman of the Fed go. The Freddie Mac bailout was even worse than 144 Solyndras, and Gingrich represents a liberal's idea of a Tea Partier. 

We reimagined the US-Saudi relationship, checked in on Afghanistan, and celebrated British "obstructionism." The Muslim Brotherhood clamped down in Egypt, Google documented post-tsunami Japan, and Russia is beside the point. China may be more Westphalian than the West, the two likeliest Republican nominees are far more supportive of Netanyahu than their own president, and in 1982 Reagan urged a settlement freeze. 

In our AAA video, Andrew explained his distaste for the HRC, Louis CK won the Internet, and readers sounded off on date rape and personal responsibility. We explored the psychology of murder, reexamined the conservatism of Russell Kirk, and delved into the criminalization of HIV. A la carte pricing would force active viewers to pay more for cable, Facebook is making us jealous and sad, brain structure is not fixed, and the face of Muslim America is banal.

Quote for the day here, today in Syria here, Malkin award nominee here, VFYW here, FOTD here, MHB here, and Andrew on Hitch here

M.A.