A reader writes:
It should be noted that in the article you cite as evidence of Obama's electoral advantage among black voters that Clinton originally held the lead among African-Americans. Indeed, in early January 2008, Obama's gains among black voters were seen as noteworthy:
In a national survey by CNN/Opinion Research Corp., 59 percent of black Democrats backed Obama, an Illinois Democrat, for their party's presidential nomination, with 31 percent supporting Clinton, the senator from New York. "The 28 point lead for Obama is a major reversal from October, when Clinton held a 24 point lead among black Democrats.
The related poll [pdf] tracks the fall of Clinton and the rise of Obama among African-Americans from October to January: black men supported Obama over Clinton 46% to 43% in October, which shifted to 74% to 21% in January; black women supported Clinton over Obama 68% to 25% in October, which shifted to Obama over Clinton 49% to 38% in January.
What happened between October and January? Iowa.
But Obama's increased viability was also combined with race-based attacks from the Clinton camp that continued throughout the primaries. Certainly excitement over Obama as the first viable black presidential candidate was part of his appeal (among black and white voters), but it was also a failure on the part of Clinton to maintain her connection with black voters. Simple electoral tribalism doesn't explain the ebb and flow of the Clinton-Obama campaign.
Another reader points to a lesser known contest:
In the 2010 Democratic primary for Alabama governor, Congressman Artur Davis, who is black, ran against State Agriculture Commissioner Ron Sparks, who is white. Davis had taken a more conservative voting record in hopes of appealing to white voters in Alabama. He was, for instance, the only Black Democrat in Congress to vote against the health care bill. Black voters in Alabama overwhelmingly turned against him and gave Sparks the nomination. An example that blacks will indeed vote white over black if they feel it is in their better interest.
More details on the Davis-Sparks race:
During the primary campaign, Davis downplayed matters of race and emphasized his independence from Democratic party orthodoxy. He caused controversy, including within his heavily minority congressional district, by voting against President Barack Obama's new health-care law—the only black Democrat in Congress to do so. He also refused to sit for the endorsement screenings of Alabama's black political groups, drawing criticism from some that he was an opportunist in search of white votes.[15] As a result, he became described as "the first African-American candidate in a statewide Alabama race to lose the black vote."[16]
An even better example of anti-tribalism is the continued success of Steve Cohen, a white Jewish US congressman representing the predominantly black 9th district in Memphis. From the 2008 primary:
The campaign quickly turned ugly, with [opponent Nikki Tinker, an African-American lawyer] putting together a raft of negative ads. One attacked Cohen for voting against a proposal that would have removed a statue and the remains of Nathan Bedford Forrest, a Confederate lieutenant-general who was involved in the founding of the Ku Klux Klan,[20] from the Medical Center park. The ad falsely implied that Cohen had ties to the Klan by juxtaposing Cohen with a white-clad Klansman.[21] Another ad accused Cohen of "praying in our churches" [22]
Cohen crushed Tinker at the polls, 79 – 19. The following cycle:
Former Memphis Mayor Willie Herenton announced that he would challenge Cohen in the 2010 Democratic primary for the seat. In a guest column in the Memphis Commercial Appeal, Herenton wrote that while he hoped the campaign would focus on issues rather than race or religion, that "it remains a fact that the 9th Congressional District provides the only real opportunity to elect a qualified African-American to the all-white 11-member delegation representing Tennessee in Washington." In September 2009, Herenton drew controversy when he stated in a radio interview that Cohen "really does not think very much of African-Americans" and that "[Cohen]’s played the black community well."
79 – 21.
The Dish 