Big problem for GOP. Most important #CPAC2014 panel. Topic: minority outreach. View: largely empty room. pic.twitter.com/LQKQ0QwwVc
— John Hudak (@JohnJHudak) March 6, 2014
His full post is here.
Big problem for GOP. Most important #CPAC2014 panel. Topic: minority outreach. View: largely empty room. pic.twitter.com/LQKQ0QwwVc
— John Hudak (@JohnJHudak) March 6, 2014
His full post is here.
Novelist Ann Bauer ponders the challenge of writing endings:
“We want a novel to swell with a sense of limitless possibility at the start and in the middle,” wrote the book critic Laura Miller in a 2011 article on Salon. “But we also want it to zero in to a point of inevitability as it ends. For this reason, last lines, like first ones, often suffer from a bad case of Trying Too Hard.”
The key is that inevitability Miller talks about, but mixed with a bit of freshness or surprise.
Readers who have stuck with a novel for many hundreds of pages deserve an ending that makes them think and question, but also one that “fits” with the story they’ve just read. The goal is to be inventive but in such way that the closing section feel seamless and organic, as if it’s the only way this particular tale could possibly end.
Bauer highlights a favorite closing sentence, from The Catcher in the Rye:
Don’t ever tell anybody anything. If you do, you start missing everybody.
(J.D. Salinger, 1951)
This is one of my favorites because it captures perfectly the sweet, lonesome, almost unearthly quality of Holden Caulfield’s thoughts. And it both contradicts and bears out the theme of the novel, which he has just told to everyone.
For previous Dish on opening lines, head here.
(Hat tip: Thomas Beckwith)
Ukraine was badly hit by the financial crisis and plummeting steel prices. GDP fell by 15% in 2009. That made it a prime candidate for economic streamlining. In 2010 the IMF agreed to loan Ukraine $15 billion—with conditions attached. A major target for reform were Ukraine’s cushy energy subsidies. The state gas company, Naftogaz, only charges consumers a quarter of the cost of importing the gas. Cheap gas discourages investment: Ukraine is one of the most energy-intensive economies in the world and domestic production has slumped by two-thirds since the 1970s. The IMF ended up freezing the deal in 2011 after Kiev failed to touch the costly subsidies.
Daniel Berman’s explains the EU’s new $15 billion aid offer:
This is not quite as generous as it seems – the aid is tied to the implementation of an IMF restructuring campaign that is sure to be almost as destabilizing in the short-run as the aid is intended to be stabilizing. If the goal was simply to strengthen the Ukrainian state in the near future, the aid should have been offered with fewer if any strings.
Nonetheless a major aid package is an excellent idea, and is precisely what should have been [done] 20 years ago. The 15 Billion Dollar package would have done infinitely more to strengthen Ukraine and to guarantee the nation’s territorial integrity than the near-worthless promises entailed within the Budapest Memorandum, or a decision to risk both American and Russian ostracism by retaining control of Nuclear weapons Kiev could not fire. Kiev’s greatest weakness through the last two decades and even today has been less its lack of military force, and more its lack of political unity. History teaches us that money does not solve those divisions on its own, but it sure damn helps. In times of crisis economic weakness is, as was demonstrated in 1930s France and Germany, a political, not an economic problem.
But he also wonders if it’s just a payoff:
The package can be just as easily seen as a bribe to console Ukraine for the loss of the Crimea as it can be as an effort to retake it. With Crimea seemingly preparing to increase the tension by petitioning to join Russia, that is suddenly a more important issue than anything else. Right now the package represents the overlap between the German and American positions because it can either console Ukraine for accepting Russia’s terms, or strengthen the Ukrainian state in its resistance, the respective goals of those two countries.
Because we’re willing to pay for it:
Noise ranks as the number one gripe of restaurant-goers nationally according to a Zagat survey, and it is the complaint submitted to New York City’s 311 hotline with the greatest frequency. (From 2012 to 2013, noise-related calls to 311 increased 16 percent according to noise activist Arlene Bronzaft.) Even if these complaints are just cyclical resurgences of an age-old problem—the ancient Greek colony Sybaris mandated that certain noisy tradesmen (potters, tinsmiths) had to live outside the city walls; Elizabethan men couldn’t beat their wives past 10 p.m.—we seem to be dealing with it differently. From noise-canceling headphones to the popularity of silent retreats, there has never been quite so great a premium placed on silence. And not only do we value it in a general sense, we’re willing to pay for it. Silence has become the ultimate luxury.
Yesterday the College Board introduced an overhaul of the SAT, with a return to the 1,600-point scoring system, a revamped and now-optional- essay section, and a new emphasis on American “founding documents” as source material. Todd Balf offers a “simplistic example” of a new SAT prompt:
Students would read an excerpt from a 1974 speech by Representative Barbara Jordan of Texas, in which she said the impeachment of Nixon would divide people into two parties. Students would then answer a question like: “What does Jordan mean by the word ‘party’?” and would select from several possible choices. This sort of vocabulary question would replace the more esoteric version on the current SAT. The idea is that the test will emphasize words students should be encountering, like “synthesis,” which can have several meanings depending on their context. Instead of encouraging students to memorize flashcards, the test should promote the idea that they must read widely throughout their high-school years.
Elizabeth Kolbert, who last week panned the current version of the exam, thinks the timing is interesting:
The Board’s announcement was months – perhaps years – in the making. Suggestively, though, it came just two weeks after the release of a new study that questioned the SAT’s utility. Commissioned by the National Association for College Admissions Counseling, the study analyzed the college experiences of students at so-called test-optional schools. It found only “trivial” differences in grades and graduation rates between the students who had presented SAT scores and those who had not.
Jia Lynn Yang suggests that competition from the ACT is behind the redesign:
According to these numbers, the ACT passed the SAT in 2012. But by some measures, the lead may have changed earlier in 2010. That year, when it became clear that the ACT was gaining on the iconic SAT, FairTest says the College Board revised its number upward to include more exam administrations. “This is Coke versus Pepsi trying to hold onto, or in this case try to regain, market share,” said Bob Schaeffer, director of public education at FairTest. Schaeffer says the new SAT in 2005 was like “the New Coke of tests; a total failure in the marketplace. “
Meanwhile, it appears college administrators are cautiously optimistic about the redesign:
Michael Sexton, vice president for enrollment management at Santa Clara University, said that his institution has never looked at scores on the existing essay on the SAT, “so we won’t miss it.” He said that, generally, the changes announced Wednesday made sense. And he said he values the SAT as helping admissions officers make decisions, especially in science fields.
A number of other admissions leaders agreed, although frequently with caveats about one or more changes. Seth Allen, vice president and dean of admissions and financial aid at Pomona College, said via email that “there appears to be more of an emphasis on measuring critical thinking skills in this new version of the test. There also appears to be more emphasis on connecting the material to actual learning rather than memorization and test preparation. Both are steps in the right direction.” But Allen said he was “less keen on the idea of including American-centric passages in every exam. This creates a potential issue for non-US applicants.”
Readers recently debated the merits of the SAT here.
Abby Rapoport thinks political reporters are inventing a GOP establishment-Tea Party divide after Texas’s Tuesday primaries, in which Senator John Cornyn and other establishment figures fought off challenges from the right:
Texas is complicated because there’s no binary opposition between “establishment” candidates and those affiliated with the Tea Party. Should we define “establishment” as Speaker of the House Joe Straus, who has himself a relatively moderate record but has presided over one of the state’s most conservative legislatures? Outside Tea Party groups have tried to topple Straus, yet he also commands support from Tea Party-backed state representatives. Or is the “establishment” closer to Governor Rick Perry, the state’s longest-serving governor, who gave one of the first major speeches at a Tea Party rally in 2009? Or is it David Dewhurst, who hung tight to Perry’s message, passed extreme measures, but then watched his political dreams crumble as Cruz rose to power by accusing Dewhurst of being a moderate?
Benen agrees that the primaries are a contest between the far right and the farther right:
If the top-line takeaway is that the GOP Establishment won and the Tea Party faltered, some might get the impression that more moderate conservatives prevailed over voices of extremism. That impression would be mistaken. Federal lawmakers like Cornyn and [Rep. Pete] Sessions became some of the most conservative members of Congress in recent years as Republican politics in Texas became more radicalized.
Cillizza points out that the Tea Party didn’t much care for Cornyn’s challenger:
Yes, [Steve] Stockman ran as the conservative alternative to Cornyn who he attacked as part of the problem due, at least in part, to the fact that the incumbent is the second ranking Republican in the Senate. And, yes, some of Stockman’s views on the problems with the Republican party in Washington align with the tea party. But, the idea that Stockman was a tea party darling is simply not true. In fact, it’s hard to find a single major tea party group that endorsed Stockman’s campaign. Several leaders of the tea party even denounced it.
John Fund looks at the down-ballot races in which Tea Partiers fared much better. Sean Sullivan provides highlights from the other primaries, which included a familiar name:
George P. Bush easily won the GOP primary for land commissioner, a powerful post in Texas. He has the inside track in the November general election given the state’s conservative tilt. Bush is the nephew of former president George W. Bush and the son of former Florida governor Jeb Bush. While the former president has largely avoided the spotlight since leaving office, the Bush name is bound to get more attention in the coming months with George P. Bush’s campaign and speculation over whether Jeb Bush will run for president ramps up as 2016 draws near.
The buffoon from Arizona is one of the most frequent guests on cable news and on the Sunday morning talk shows. He was dead wrong about Iraq, Afghanistan and has never copped to it, clinging to his fantasy that his beloved “surge” made it all worthwhile. It didn’t, as the resilient
sectarian warfare in that benighted country demonstrates day after day. He caved to Karl Rove on the torture question in 2006, leaving the CIA program in place. He picked a delusional maniac to be a vice-presidential candidate after close to no vetting whatsoever. He was jumping up and down trying to foment a war with Russia over Georgia in 2008. This week, he was dyspeptically assaulting the president of the United States at a time when, one might imagine, wise souls in Washington might see the benefit in a temporary united front vis-a-vis Putin. He is determined to sabotage any deal with Iran, which would necessitate another war in the Middle East, a war for which there is close to no public support, and which could have incalculable consequences in the region and the world.
A simple question: why does anyone still take him even faintly seriously? Why does David Gregory defer to him? Why does CNN have him on to discuss foreign affairs when he has demonstrated catastrophic judgment time and time again? McCain was on the Sunday morning shows 24 times in 2013 – far more than countless other Washington figures with far better records. The year before, he was invited on 21 times.
In stark contrast, the latest PPP poll in Arizona finds the following results for McCain:
John McCain is unpopular with Republicans, Democrats, and independents alike and has now become the least popular Senator in the country. Only 30% of Arizonans approve of the job McCain is doing to 54% who disapprove. There isn’t much variability in his numbers by party – he’s at 35/55 with Republicans, 29/53 with Democrats, and 25/55 with independents, suggesting he could be vulnerable to challenges in both the primary and general elections the next time he’s up.
He is the least popular Senator in the country and the most popular among Beltway hacks and TV producers. That tells you something that … well, you already knew.
(Photo from Getty)
Dogs chasing shadows:
“The test is not absolute satisfaction but balanced dissatisfaction,” – Henry Kissinger, conservative, in a wise piece.