Marty Lederman has again provided an essential guide to the complicated legal issues involved in the Hamdan case, and helps set the stage for what will be an important Congressional debate on the United States’ standards for prisoners of war. All of it is worth reading carefully, but this strikes me as among the more pertinent points:
MYTH NO. 8: "[T]he Court, without any grounding in either American law or the Geneva Conventions, has effectively signed a treaty with al Qaeda for the protection of its terrorists." So says the National Review. This meme has been front and center of many reactions to Hamdan – that it is preposterous to construe a treaty to provide protections to persons who are not party to the treaty and refuse to abide by its terms.
FACT: Nonsense.
As Carleton Wu pointedly remarks in the comments section below, saying that we’ve now "effectively signed a treaty with Al Qaeda for protection of terrorists is like saying that because we’ve signed the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling, we’ve now entered into a treaty with the whales. There are many modern treaties, promoted by the United States and universally accepted – think of the Convention Against Torture, for example – that require signatory states to refrain from acting in certain ways universally, even with respect to persons, entities and states that have not signed, and do not comply with, such treaties. Simply put, reciprocity is not a necessary prerequisite of many modern human-rights treaties. And that’s largely a U.S. innovation: As noted above, from the Civil War until February 2002 it was the view of the United States that we are legally and morally obligated to treat our enemies according to a baseline of civilized conduct, whether or not our enemies (e.g., the Confederacy; the Germans and Japanese in World War II; the Viet Cong) do likewise. Contrary to Sen. Graham’s assertion that to give Al Qaeda detainees this baseline protection is "breathtaking," there’s nothing at all unusual about it: The Court’s decision simply returns us to the standards we applied to our enemies — including barbarous and lawless enemies — for many decades prior to February 2002.
Indeed, the whole point of Common Article 3 — its only application — is to provide Geneva protections to parties who have not themselves agreed to be bound by the Conventions. As OLC explained, "Article 3 is a unique provision that governs the conduct of signatories to the Conventions in a parlicular kind of conflict that is not one between High Contracting Parlies to the Conventions. Thus, common article 3 may require the United States, as a High Contracting Party, to follow certain rules even if other parties to the conflict are not parties to the Convention."
That is to say, the now-oft-heard complaint that those who have not signed the treaty should not be protected by it would mean the rejection of Common Article 3 altogether.
I think that’s what Cheney and Bush want. If so, they should say so, and withdraw the U.S. from the Geneva Conventions formally, with Congressional support. If that day dawns, we have truly crossed a Rubicon.
While you’re at it, check out Marty’s discussion of the legal salience of the phrase "not of an international character" as applied to military conflicts. I’m persuaded by his and the Supreme Court’s interpretation – that this does not refer to a geographical location (i.e., "taking place only in one country"), but instead to a conflict that is not between nations. Geneva’s baseline of civilized warfare, Article 3, applies regardless of the enemy. In fact, it was crafted precisely to make the kind of objections made by NRO moot. These standards are about us, not about them. But maybe NR’s editors understand that as well. They just have lower standards for the West than others do.