Best nugget in Dana Milbank’s Washington Post piece yesterday on the conservative picks in the Bush administration was about the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs. This is nanny-state central, regulating everything the federal government can get its hands on. So it’s great news that John D. Graham has taken over. According to the Post, “Graham is founder of the Harvard Center for Risk Analysis, which is funded by more than 100 large corporations and trade groups, including Dow, 3M, Dupont, Monsanto, Exxon and the American Petroleum Institute. He is the leading proponent of “comparative risk analysis” to balance the need for regulation against the risk of the event, and he was prominent in the 1995 regulatory reform battles.” Imagine that? Someone who thinks government regulators should measure the price of meddling against the actual social gain. Watch out for more hysterical headlines about arsenic in our water, and many more Begala-isms from Barbara Boxer.
WEAKLY STANDARD: I wonder if the staunchly anti-China Weekly Standard will have anything to say about Rupert Murdoch’s son, James’, open hostility to freedom of religion (or of anything, for that matter) in the People’s Republic? Murdoch Junior just attacked the Falun Gong sect as anti-patriotic, and his remarks have been interpreted as a bid to smooth Rupert Murdoch’s business plans in China. Murdoch also owns the Weekly Standard. A good test of any magazine’s editorial integrity is it ability to criticize its proprietor. Let’s see, shall we?
STOP THE PRESSES: The New York Times finally discovers that others are doing journalism on Jesse Jackson. The front-page piece today was a spin-job for the Jackson forces, hyping his popularity among most blacks, and regurgitating the real reporting done by the Chicago Tribune, Chicago Sun-Times, National Enquirer, and the New York Post. Bottom-line spin: Jackson’s down but not out. I guess it’s good news that the Times has finally acknowledged it completely missed the boat for political reasons. Not so good news that the Times’ own original reporting on Jackson’s scandals simply doesn’t exist. Guess we’re going to have to wait for the incoming Sixty Minutes bombshell I’m told is in the works.
A REAL TIME EXPERIMENT: I got a call last week from the Washington Post’s Howie Kurtz, who wants to do a piece on me. My policy is basically to say yes to all press inquiries. Heck, I’m a journalist. What conceivable credibility could I have if I didn’t talk to reporters? Besides, Howie is one of the smartest and fairest media critics there is. (Suck-up hereby ends.) Nevertheless, it occurred to me that one of the truly new things in web-journalism is instant transparency. In the old days, someone would call you up, interview you, maybe talk to a few others, write it up and then you’d wait for the piece to arrive. If you felt the writer got something wrong, too bad. If you felt the piece was really really wrong, you could always write a letter to the editor, which would appear weeks later and no-one would read. But e-journalism allows for another option – and I don’t mean insta-reaction, like my little squib about Michael Wolff’s phoned-in job. Why not write up my account of the story/interview as it happens? I’m supposed to be interviewed by Howie tomorrow. I’ll post my impressions of the conversation later that day. I’ll also add the stray comments of those people he’s called who have bothered to debrief me. That way, you guys can read the final product with some better awareness of how it emerged. There are two obvious objections. Come on, Sullivan, I can hear you saying. You’ve already got a bit of a rep as a screaming solipsist. This is way too insider. Fair enough, but this isn’t a Dave Eggers hissy fit. It’s just a way to turn the tables a little bit on the established media and their power, and to encourage others to do the same. I’ll write it up as a journalistic exercise, not as some bout of paranoid self-obsession. Second objection: who cares anyway? Good point. But if you couldn’t care about Howie Kurtz on me, you might care about the general principle of media transparency. No journalist or reader should be opposed to more data out there. Anyway, I figure it’s worth trying. As with many aspects of the new world of independent web journalists, I’d rather try something new than play it safe. By the way, Howie doesn’t know about this yet. Well, he does now, I guess.
BUSH ABROAD: We’re beginning to have some small sense of Bush’s foreign policy – and it is different. Gone is Clinton’s diplomatic hyper-activity. Bush told Ariel Sharon last week that he had no interest in jump-starting talks between Arabs and Israelis; and he simultaneously removed the C.I.A. from any role in mediating security disputes between the two sides. Don’t hold your breath waiting for more American intervention in Ireland. Or for instructions to the Japanese about how to get their economy back. The silence over the growing conflict in Macedonia has also been as pervasive as the administration’s passivity during the stock market nose-dive. But the moments of actual action are just as revealing. At the same time as Bush has apparently abandoned Clinton’s meddling, he has also dropped Clinton’s soft edge with tricky potential adversaries. The week before last the administration told North Korea that it had no interest in any future missile negotiations. With Russia, the new administration’s attitude is that the country is neither friend nor foe – just a regional power with a penchant for spying, incompetence and human rights abuses. No accident either that the new administration has opened new lines of communications with the Chechen resistance. You first saw this refreshing straightforwardness with missile defense. The Clinton administration punted the issue for as long as possible, and adopted an air of apology in raising the matter occasionally with European partners. Not so the Bushies. They rightly see no reason why a sovereign country cannot develop next-generation defense systems which threaten no-one. In all of this there is a nationalist self-confidence that was sometimes lacking with the Clintonites. The Bushies see the world as conservatives tend to do: as an inherently anarchic place, where the unvarnished advancement of self-interest and national security should be no occasion for squeamishness. Now, if only they can control Colin Powell …