The WSJ Panics

One small sliver of hope from Huckabee’s rise: many conservatives in the media may finally begin to see the perils of fundamentalist politics for what they are. A reader drew my attention to yesterday’s WSJ editorial:

[Huckabee’s] innocence (or ignorance) on foreign policy, penchant for borrowing liberal economic attack lines, and even his rejection of Darwin’s theory of evolution deserve to be understood by voters before they make him their standard bearer.

Back on August 13, 1999, they had this to say in the wake of the Kansas School Board’s move to abolish the teaching of evolution:

We wish we could work up more than a little sympathy for those scientists — from the most eminent to the lowliest Bio I teacher — who feel their life’s work is being pushed over the cliff by the creationists now growing in strength in many states. But we don’t have much sympathy at all for them.

They, and the secularist fanatics who’ve supported these establishment-clause decisions, were foolish enough to think that a Supreme Court waving its wand could actually eliminate something as fundamental as religious faith from a place where people put their children six hours a day, five days a week.

If you want to read a take on why fundamentalism is conservatism’s nemesis, my book is now in paperback.

Will On Obama

It’s a conclusion to a devastating attack on Edwards and Huckabee. And it’s why in many ways, I think an Obama victory would be the best thing to happen to the GOP in a long time:

Barack Obama, who might be mercifully closing the Clinton parenthesis in presidential history, is refreshingly cerebral amid this recrudescence of the paranoid style in American politics. He is the un-Edwards and un-Huckabee — an adult aiming to reform the real world rather than an adolescent fantasizing mock-heroic "fights" against fictitious villains in a left-wing cartoon version of this country.

McCain-Huckabee: The Obvious Ticket

Ross aired the possibility last November. I sort of concurred. But at this point, it surely looks like a way to hold the GOP together, and offer a real contrast with a possible Obama movement on the other side. The key would be McCain’s agreement to one-term. Huckabee is then the heir apparent, poised for 2012 with more national seasoning, and can complete the task of turning the Republicans into socially conservative economic populists. Both men like the power of the federal government, bait corporations, and back the Iraq war almost unreservedly. It’s not my style of conservatism, but it is a logical next step to the past several years in Republicanism.

Conservative Obama?

A reader writes:

It makes sense that conservatives like you support Obama. On the domestic front, he supports a change of tone but not really a change of policy. For him the problems we have are not with society or the policy of our government, but more with the way in which our government attempts to develop its policies. He wants to end partisanship and create a new civil tone with partisans in politics and those in the larger society. In the end, he isn’t suggesting there is anything fundamentally wrong with society, and he isn’t suggesting we need grand policies to address those wrongs. And while he certainly will bring drastic changes to our foreign policy, conservatives like you envision those changes to be a reversal of the huge and disastrous changes of Bush and Cheney.

As a liberal- this is exactly why I cannot vote for him. I do think there are fundamental problems in society and we need grand new policies to deal with them. The question isn’t why do conservatives support Obama, the real question is why do educated liberals.

Three possibilities: healthcare reform, climate change, the Supreme Court. What strikes me about Obama is not that he is conservative or liberal, it is his policy liberalism with conservative temperament. It is his movement beyond these exhausted ideologies.

Romney’s Debate Fib

Check the transcript out:

MCCAIN: It’s not amnesty. And for you to describe it as you do in the attack ads, my friend, you can spend your whole fortune on these attack ads, but it will won’t be true.

(UNKNOWN): May I…

ROMNEY: No, no, no, no. I get a chance to respond to this.

I’m sorry. I’m sorry.

GIBSON: (inaudible)

ROMNEY: I don’t describe your plan as amnesty in my ad. I don’t call it amnesty.

Now watch the ad. Romney lied. Why doesn’t someone call him on it directly tonight?

A Liberal Reagan?

That’s the possibility I raise in my Sunday Times column today. I was going back to read some of the speeches I have reprinted in full from Obama’s campaign and came across this post from May 24 of last year. Here’s an account of Obama’s appeal, at a time when everyone seemed to believe Clinton was inevitable:

I went to see Obama last night. He had a fundraiser at H20, a yuppie disco/restaurant in Obamaverticalemmanueldunandafpget_2 Southwest DC. I was curious about how he is in person. I’m still absorbing the many impressions I got. But one thing stays in my head. This guy is a liberal. Make no mistake about that. He may, in fact, be the most effective liberal advocate I’ve heard in my lifetime. As a conservative, I think he could be absolutely lethal to what’s left of the tradition of individualism, self-reliance, and small government that I find myself quixotically attached to. And as a simple observer, I really don’t see what’s stopping him from becoming the next president.

The overwhelming first impression that you get – from the exhausted but vibrant stump speech, the diverse nature of the crowd, the swell of the various applause lines – is that this is the candidate for real change. He has what Reagan had in 1980 and Clinton had in 1992: the wind at his back. Sometimes, elections really do come down to a simple choice: change or more of the same?

Look at the polls and forget ideology for a moment. What do Americans really want right now? Change. Who best offers them a chance to turn the page cleanly on an era most want to forget? It isn’t Clinton, God help us. Edwards is so 2004. McCain is a throwback. Romney makes plastic look real. Rudy does offer something new for Republicans – the abortion-friendly, cross-dressing Jack Bauer. But no one captures the sheer, pent-up desire for a new start more effectively than Obama.

From the content and structure of Obama’s pitch to the base, it’s also clear to me that whatever illusions I had about his small-c conservatism, he’s a big government liberal with – for a liberal – the most attractive persona and best-developed arguments since JFK.

I fear he could do to conservatism what Reagan did to liberalism. And just as liberals deserved a shellacking in 1980, so do "conservatives" today. In the Bush era, they have shown their own contempt for their own tradition. Who can blame Obama for exploiting the big government arguments Bush has already conceded?

And just as Carter branded liberalism in a bad way for a generation, so Bush and his acolytes have poisoned the brand of conservatism for the foreseeable future. When you take a few steps back and look closely, you realize that Bush has managed both to betray conservatism and stigmatize it all at once. That’s some achievement.

Obama’s speech began and continued with domestic policy. War? What war? There was one tiny, fleeting mention of the terror threat. Yes, this is the base. Yes, the base’s fixation is ending the war in Iraq. Yes, you can make an argument that withdrawal there now is a boon to the terror war. But Obama didn’t make that argument. And it seems to me that the two biggest obstacles Obama will have next year are residual racism and concern that he doesn’t fully grasp the seriousness of the Islamist terror threat. He’s been proved right on Iraq – I’m sorry to say. And that good call – and the reasons he gave for it in 2003 – will surely undermine the case against his "inexperience". Inexperienced? he’ll rightly scoff. If "experience" means backing the Iraq war, I’m glad I don’t have as much of it as Clinton and McCain and Giuliani. But he must tell us how we are to stay on offense in this war if he is to win over worriers like me. To listen to a stump speech five or so years after 9/11 and wait for almost half a speech until he mentions it is disconcerting. And yet, it is also bound up, surely, with his appeal. That appeal is partly to take us past the 9/11 moment, and describe a journey forward that isn’t obviously into darkness.

Two further impressions. At a couple of points in his speech, he used the phrase: "This is not who we are." I was struck by the power of those words. He was reasserting that America is much more than George W. Bush and Dick Cheney and Gitmo and Abu Ghraib and Katrina and fear and obstinacy and isolation. And so he makes an argument for change in the language of restoration. The temperamental conservatives in America hear a form of patriotism; and the ideological liberals hear a note of radicalism. It’s a powerful, unifying theme. He’d be smart to deepen and broaden it.

My favorite moment was a very simple one. He referred to the anniversary of the March on Selma, how he went and how he came back and someone (I don’t remember who now) said to him:

"That was a great celebration of African-American history."

To which Obama said he replied:

"No, no, no, no, no. That was not a great celebration of African-American history. That was a celebration of American history."

Yes.

There’s a reason for his wide appeal. The over-whelming question for me at this point in this historic campaign is a simple one: who will stop him?

(Photo: Emmanuel Dunand/AFP/Getty.)