The Return Of Cheneyism, Ctd

Frum and I have been arguing over whether Romney would attack Iran as president. Noah Millman joins the debate. Among other interesting points, he notes that “there are aggressive policy options that Romney might have that wouldn’t involve a full-scale invasion of Iran”:

• He could threaten military action if Iran didn’t fulfill one or another condition and, when they failed to fulfill said condition, Romney could blink, and refuse to follow through on his own threats, thereby badly damaging American credibility.

• He could limit himself to diplomacy, but take a much more aggressive diplomatic line, damaging relations with China, Russia and India by putting the isolation of Iran at the top of the diplomatic agenda with those countries, without actually increasing Iran’s isolation materially.

• He could give a green light to an Israeli attack, promising American diplomatic and logistical support, thereby provoking a war in the Middle East without being personally responsible for pulling the trigger – and once wars start, it’s hard to predict precisely how they end.

Frum responds:

“[O]ther ways” is exactly what the United States has been pursuing these past eight years! A tough and tightening sanctions regime has been put in place. The Iranian currency has seen its value attacked. Computers have been hacked, nuclear facilities sabotaged, and Iranian nuclear scientists have been killed or lured to defect. How much of this work is American, how much is Israeli, how much has been done by internal opponents of the Iranian regime I couldn’t begin to say. But surely the United States does not object to it. These methods have delivered results too. We’re nearing the tenth anniversary of George W. Bush’s “axis of evil” speech. The US has not struck Iranian nuclear facilities – and yet Iran remains a non-nuclear-weapons state.

He claims that this “sanctions-plus-sabotage middle way” is “highly likely to be continued by a hypothetical Romney administration.” Millman goes another round:

My question was really a very simple one. Either Frum favors a “more cautious” foreign policy than Obama’s – generally and specifically with respect to Iran, which was the subject of his debate with Sullivan – or he doesn’t. If he does, then given Frum’s reputation that’s news, whether he thinks it is or not. If he doesn’t, then this is presumably a knock against Romney given what he thinks Romney’s policies will actually be.

It certainly seems to me that on this argument alone, David would have to back Obama.

Break Point

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Forget the Williams sisters. By making "everything except tennis appear not to matter," Serena's decade-long dominion over the WTA has dismantled the "aristocracy of tennis fans," writes Brian Phillips: 

[T]hroughout Venus's and Serena's primes, from, say, 2003 to 2010, the tennis culture gradually embraced Venus — she was so gracious, and she jumped up and down so sweetly when she won Wimbledon — while Serena remained a flashpoint, criticized for her temper and her supposed lack of focus, as well as for a lot of other more sinisterly conceived stuff like "having no class" and "destroying sportsmanship in tennis," which, talk about not needing a decoder ring.

(And I'm sorry, white dudes who tweet at me during every single tennis tournament, but you can't accuse Serena of destroying the genteel good manners of tennis while simultaneously chuckling at every dumb commercial in which John McEnroe pops up to squawk "You cannot be serious" at Mayor McCheese or whatever. White dude par excellence Jimmy Connors called a U.S. Open official "an abortion," right there on TV…..) Venus took over tennis to the point that she seemed to be of tennis, to belong to its codes and traditions. Serena took over tennis while, in some sense, always remaining an outsider.

Arguing that the Williams' dominance made it impossible for fans to deny that they were "actually pretty OK" with their sport being "ludicrously white and upper-class," Phillips points to how the poem "The Change," by Tony Hoagland, embodied this phenomenon.

(Photo from Serena's 6-1, 6-3 victory over Ana Ivanovic on Thursday in the 2012 US Open quarterfinals. By Emmanuel Dunand/AFP/Getty Images)

Electing An Introvert

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In an interview scanning the entire electoral season, John Heilemann draws a key contrast between Obama and Bill Clinton:

JH: Obama is an unusual politician. There are very few people in American politics who achieve something — not to mention the Presidency — in which the following two conditions are true: one, they don’t like people. And two, they don’t like politics.

KC: Obama doesn’t like people?

JH: I don’t think he doesn’t like people. I know he doesn’t like people. He’s not an extrovert; he’s an introvert. I’ve known the guy since 1988. He’s not someone who has a wide circle of friends. He’s not a backslapper and he’s not an arm-twister. He’s a more or less solitary figure who has extraordinary communicative capacities. He’s incredibly intelligent, but he’s not a guy who’s ever had a Bill Clinton-like network around him. He’s not the guy up late at night working the speed dial calling mayors, calling governors, calling CEOs.

People say about Obama that it’s a mistake that he hasn’t reached out more to Republicans on Capitol Hill. I say that may be a mistake, but he also hasn’t reached out to Democrats on Capitol Hill. If you walk around [the convention] and button-hole any Democratic Senator you find on the street and ask them how many times they have received a call [from the President] to talk about politics, to talk about legislative strategy, I guarantee you won’t find a lot of people who have gotten one phone call in the last two and a half years. And many of them have never been called.

I’m not a psychologist, so I don’t know what the root of that is. People have theories about it. But I know in practice he is a guy who likes to operate with a very tight circle around him, trusts very few people easily or entirely. He ran his campaign that way in 2008, he runs his White House that way, and he’s running his campaign that way in 2012.

This is the gist of MoDo’s frustration with the man. But it also helps explain my own visceral affinity for him. I’m an introvert with good communications skills. I took one long look at a political career and realized I simply don’t have the social skill-set for it.

(Photo: President Barack Obama addresses a campaign event at the Palm Beach County Convention Center September 9, 2012 in West Palm Beach, Florida. Working with the momentum from this week’s Democratic National Convention, Obama is on a two-day campaign swing from one side of Florida to the other on the politically important I-4 corridor. By Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

The Spectre Of Dubya

Beinart hears the moaning skeleton in Romney's closet:

Mitt Romney is not a great candidate; Barack Obama is a better one. But without the Bush legacy, Romney would be leading this race. His problem is that except among staunch conservatives, Bush has so hurt the GOP’s brand that Romney doesn’t look like the fresh economic fix-it man that Republicans want to portray him as. Instead, it’s all too easy for Democrats to paint him as George W. Bush the 3rd, just as they painted John McCain as George W. Bush the 2nd.

Romney has tried to handle the Bush legacy the same way McCain did: by ignoring it. When Republicans convened in late August in Tampa, as in Minneapolis in 2008, Bush was not there. But in campaigns, ignoring your weaknesses rarely makes them go away. While at their convention Republicans tried to pretend that the Bush presidency never happened, the Obama campaign handed Bill Clinton the microphone and allowed him to define the race as Obama-Clinton versus Romney-Bush. The GOP, in Clinton’s narrative, creates economic messes. Democrats clean them up.

And that narrative is persuasive, if you accept Clinton's lift from the first Bush. I think Clinton got Americans remembering again. And, when it comes to the debt-building, war-mongering GOP, shuddering.

God Enters The Race

He's for Romney, apparently. McKay Coppins reviews Mitt's weekend:

In the past 72 hours, Romney has endorsed the controversial conservative Iowa Congressman Steve King, appeared onstage with televangelist Pat Robertson, debuted a revamped stump speech with warnings of encroaching secularism at its center, and devoted substantial time to a hot dog-heavy photo-op at a NASCAR race. 

Yet the Romney camp somehow claims it is Obama who is "desperate to run a 'change the subject' campaign". The Friendly Atheist provides context for the God name-dropping:

Who knew President Obama was trying to get God out of the Pledge and money!? WOO! Finally, his latent atheism comes out!  … or Romney was referring to the Democrats excluding the word "God" from their platform. Even though they put it back in. And even though "faith" played a prominent role in the original platform the Dems released to the public.

Josh Marshall snarks:

Fear of Obama taking G-d off coins emerges as new reason Romney is hiding his money in Switzerland and the Caymans.

Etch-A-Sketch Update

Romney made news this weekend with his comments on Obamacare:

Tyler Cowen expected this:

I would say he is preparing for a major fold on the issue. I’ve been predicting a Romney administration would block grant Medicaid, undo some or all of the Medicare savings in ACA, but essentially keep the mandate under a different label and then claim to have "repealed and replaced."

But then the Romney campaign seemed to walk back the statement, in a rare double back-flip triple lutz. Here's what Katrina Trinko heard:

In reference to how Romney would deal with those with preexisting conditions and young adults who want to remain on their parents’ plans, a Romney aide responded that there had been no change in Romney’s position and that "in a competitive environment, the marketplace will make available plans that include coverage for what there is demand for. He was not proposing a federal mandate to require insurance plans to offer those particular features."

The Romney camp then clarified the clarification. The latest defense of the pandering is at NRO. Drum analyzes the double walk-back:

According to an aide, "Gov. Romney will ensure that discrimination against individuals with pre-existing conditions who maintain continuous coverage is prohibited." This has long been Romney's position, and it's not clear if it's meaningful or not. This kind of protection has been the law of the land since 1995 for people with group coverage. And people who lose group coverage already qualify for individual COBRA coverage for 18 months. So the only way Romney's statement means anything is if he's saying he would pass a law that requires insurance companies to offer permanent individual coverage at a reasonable price to people who lose their group coverage. Needless to say, Romney has never actually committed to that particular detail.

So it's a flip-flop-flip that's also a lie. A Romney threefer! Or rather, the abstract ideological arguments against Obamacare can disappear upon engaging the reality of the details, which are sane, moderate and popular. Sarah Kliff also tries to decode Romney's statements:

It makes sense, politically, to support the end of pre-existing conditions: It regularly polls as one of the health-care law’s most popular provisions. Policy-wise, however, there’s a significant amount of space between "ending pre-existing conditions" and "ending pre-existing conditions [with continuous coverage]." Under the former scheme, insurers cannot deny coverage to an individual — no matter what. Under the latter, insurers can, in certain situations, refuse to cover some individuals.

Austin Frakt gets further into the weeds:

[J]ust because one has access to a plan, doesn’t mean one can find one that is affordable. I know Romney has some ideas that he believes will reduce the cost of insurance (see his vision here). It’s not clear to me that they are intended to match the level of subsidization to low-income families that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) offers. In fact, I think that’s probably the point. That’s one reason why the proposal is likely less costly for the federal government.

Pete Spiliakos sighs:

Does anyone doubt that, if you could offer Romney the presidency in return for keeping Obamacare and ROE, Romney would take the deal in a second? So the policy issues are just a bunch of BS he needs to say to win over subgroups of chumps, suckas, voters. The stuff about loving his parents and kids was real. The problem was that the realness of his love for his immediate family highlighted his cynicism and phoniness on everything else.

Mark Kleiman downplays the walk-back:

Doesn’t matter a damn. If Obamacare is "reform," and if its "good parts" are the status quo that needs to be maintained, then the Good Guys have won.

Ask John Hodgman Anything: Thoughts On Eastwood’s Speech?

You probably recognize Hodgman from his appearances on The Daily Show and those ubiquitous Apple ads, but be sure to check out his book, That Is All, an audio and paperback version of which are being released October 2. Excerpts here:

That is All is predicated on the premise (ahem, CERTAIN KNOWLEDGE) that, starting quite soon, we will enter a pre-apocalyptic period leading up to the end of the world…. [The book] is basically tons of jokes, some of which are already somewhat dated (by 2015, how many people will know what Four Loko was?) and many of which will lead to some heavy Googling (for example, to learn more about George Plimpton or leetspeak or The Singularity). The writing is refreshingly bite-sized, such that you can literally open the book to any page, read something, have a chuckle, and move on. Also, like the previous volume, each page includes a page-a-day calendar at the top — except this one predicts the future, through the end of the world (it’s called TODAY IN RAGNAROK). You have roughly a year left; you might as well enjoy it, one page at a time.

John also wrote The Areas Of My Expertise and More Information Than You Require, collected in The Complete World Knowledge box set. Check out his podcast here. “Ask Anything” archive here.