The Senate Loses Touch With Reality

Fred Kaplan takes the Senate Armed Services Committee to task:

Not to sound like a Golden Age nostalgic, but there once was a time when the members of the Senate Armed Services Committee prided themselves on having an understanding of military matters. They disagreed in their conclusions and sometimes their premises. But most of them worked to educate themselves, at least to the point where they could debate the issues, or ask questions of a general without coming off like complete idiots. The sad thing about this new crop of senators—especially on the Republican side—is they don’t even try to learn anything; they don’t care if they look like complete idiots, in part because their core constituents don’t care if they do either.

Drum is dumbfounded:

So why are Republicans doing this? I can’t quite figure it out. Is it a pure pander to the Israel lobby? A way of ginning up the tea party base? Revenge against Hagel for betraying them? Knee-jerk opposition to anything Obama wants? An expression of sheer, uncontrollable rage?

 

Holding Hagel Hostage, Ctd

Sen. Lindsey Graham

A reader writes:

If Hagel goes down, it may be all due to a sketchy report from Breitbart editor Ben Shapiro. If you repeat it enough it must be true. But then nobody actually knows what this purported organization, “Friends of Hamas”, actually is – a group that Weigel says “doesn’t actually exist”. But it may be enough to give the GOP fuel to filibuster, or whatever they want to call it.

Maybe Obama should nominate John McCain and insist that he provide the same level of documentation that the GOP is requesting of Hagel.

Another writes:

Regarding the amount of financial transparency the Republicans are requesting of Hagel, isn’t it amazing how quickly they’ve forgotten how Romney offered tax returns for only one year, plus an estimate for the following year?

(Photo: Senator Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., speaks on the phone in the reception room of the Senate. Graham has said he will vote against ending debate on Hagel’s nomination – thus blocking it. By Chris Maddaloni/CQ Roll Call)

Should Poetry Be Opaque? Ctd

A reader writes:

I was really bothered by certain bits of the article you linked to. We should not expect to understand a poem at a single sitting, but I have read simple haiku that any child could decipher that meet that same standard. Done right, they can take years to appreciate, yet are perfectly accessible. The difference between that and Geoffrey Hill’s poetry is the intended audience. He writes to an elite audience. Not everyone can afford an elite education, and by definition, exactly half of us are someone’s idea of dim-witted. But most everyone is capable of grasping the truth on an emotional level, if only the poets would deign to teach us as we are.

Hill, as poet, seems specifically interested in educating the fewest possible people, those who already are at the top of the entitled heap. It is his right to choose to not cast his pearls before swine. But his claim that he does so in loyal and long-suffering service to the ideals of democracy is one to which I call bullshit.

Another had a similar reaction:

From the ranking of poets, Lord, spare me.

I’m glad that Geoffrey Hill’s work resonated so deeply with Peter Popham; but how many other readers are going to meet this ‘difficult’ poet in his thicket of words in quite the same way. How many others will have Popham’s level of education, an intense wartime experience, and the advantage of having heard the poet himself during his impressionable youth?

Few enough people read poetry these days, and more won’t start reading it if they start with Hill.  Why not start beginners off with someone like A. E. Stallings, who is erudite but has the elusive common touch, or John Whitworth, who is verbally adroit and just plain funny?

But the part of the article that really saddened me was Popham’s dismissal of Larkin, and his suggestion that tyrants want poets to embrace ‘simplification’.  Surely, the opposite is true; why should they care about Hill, since no one reads him?  It is the poet who can by his or her art reach everyone a tyrant should fear.

Should we discard from Homer to Houseman because we understand what they say, or assume that ‘accessible’ poems like Wilfred Owen’s ‘Dulce et Decorum Est’ will not have its way with us over time, just like – or maybe more likely than – more ‘difficult’ work?

Another reader:

The preface to a recent translation of Greek Poet Kiki Dimoula‘s work addresses the issue of opacity in poetry. Dimoula seems to think that the question isn’t whether poetry should be opaque, but, rather, whether it can be poetry at all without being opaque. She offers a parable to illustrate:

Once, on the road to Alexandroupolis [in Thrace], long before I reached the city, I saw storks’ nests, high up, at the tops of a line of telegraph poles. Protruding from the poles, the bases of the nests were fluffy and shiny, like the fancy frills that decorate cradles, ready to welcome newborns. In the middle of each nest stood a stork, erect, immobile, on one leg, as if in this ascetic position, in this ciphered balance, it was protecting secrecy’s sacred hatchling. Already protected from above by the celestial cradle net. Poetry is like a nest to hide in. It is built on a pointed height so as to be inaccessible to the rapacious curiosity of anyone who wants to see too clearly what’s being hatched inside it. The most efficient way to safeguard concealment is by subtraction. Art is ever-vigilant, elliptical, balancing on one leg. When we write, we subtract.” (xv; emphasis added)

I like this image a lot. Though I’d probably add one clarification from my own point of view: the often inaccessible nature of poetry (and art more generally) applies as much to the author as to the audience. Meaning is concealed. Full stop. This ought not close off the conversation about the “meaning” of the text but, rather, allow us to swim in the capacious possibility of what is being hatched just out of our reach.

Update from a reader:

The whole point seemed to me to suggest that Geoffrey Hill isn’t as difficult as you think. The quotes pulled from his poems didn’t seem particularly hard to understand, and the article is not suggesting that haikus should be indecipherable, or that we should throw out all simpler poetry, as your sputtering readers seem to suggest it does. Peter Popham is merely pointing out that the tar of ‘difficult’ poetry often unfairly suggests nasty politics as well, and that isn’t the case for Hill.

And frankly, the way a lot of his poetry is difficult is not found in allusions that can only be understood by the super educated few, but in the odd meters and unexpectedly dense language. It’s poetry that works well with unpacking, but, as Popham points out, it also is just expressive of a certain time in England, one that is also drawn on for the super elitist Game of Thrones. Oh. wait. no, we are all expected to be able to understand Game of Thrones, even if we don’t happen to understand how it intersects with medieval history.

Maybe your readers, before they cry foul about how elitist Hill’s poetry is, could try reading some of it first? Oh, and it’s that other great difficult and elitist poet, T.S. Eliot, who says, ‘genuine poetry can communicate before it is understood.’ Maybe the problem is not in the poetry, but in what we expect it to do?

Holding Hagel Hostage, Ctd

Kornacki sizes up the situation:

There are some potentially serious short- and long-term consequences to all of this, which should worry both parties. If Republicans are actually able to derail Hagel with a filibuster, it would shatter tradition and might lead to similar filibusters in the future – both for Obama’s nominees and for nominees of future presidents from both parties. It could also spur Reid to rethink his resistance to major Senate rules changes and to reopen the idea of using the nuclear option. And even if the filibuster is broken, a mostly party-line vote on Hagel’s confirmation could set a bad example too. After all, the White House’s party controls the Senate now, so it theoretically has the votes to confirm its nominees (assuming they get up/down votes). But what happens if party-line votes for Cabinet picks become the norm and, sometime in the not-so-distant future, the White House’s party is in the minority in the Senate?

What’s revealing to me is how it now takes a lefty like Kornacki to defend basic parliamentary tradition. No entity in our polity right now is more radical and revolutionary than the current GOP: their contempt for institutional custom knows few bounds when it comes to the short-term tactical possibility of impeding even a newly re-elected president, after losing the popular vote for the presidency, Senate and House. The whole concept of putting country before party is that sometimes you take the long national view rather than the short partisan one. You give the other party a chance to govern, as the Democrats did Reagan. But the anti-conservative revolutionary party that Gingrich began and Kristol egged on is now in its zombie stage – with no viable way back to majority status but lunging slowly and malevolently toward anything that is not far right. That includes the Constitution and its evolved customs and parliamentary traditions.

Thank Yous

Creating this new blog and small business from scratch in one month was not an easy task. Most told us it could only be done in three months. The following people proved that prediction wrong.

howler

Thank you to Tim, Trevor, David, Josh, Kirill and Kyung at Tinypass, who, since the beginning of our partnership, have never ceased to surpass our expectations and make this a success.

Our gratitude to Christopher Cochran, Helen Hou-Sandi, Craig Chevrier and Jake Goldman at 10up, our elite team of WordPress developers, who, on an extremely short timeline, helped us make the new Dish as fast, responsive and reader-friendly as it could be. Thanks to Paul Maiorana and Mo, Nikolay, Alex, Paul, Daniel, Steph and everyone else at WordPress VIP, our illustrious web host.

A big thanks to Cord Blomquist and his team at ReadyMadeWeb, who figured out how to migrate our unruly archive of 86,000 posts from Typepad into WordPress. And thanks to Dishtern Doug for devising a way to blend our 2001-2006 posts into the new site so that our archive is now complete for the first time. Props to Dishtern Brendan for tackling the Sully and Hitch transcription. Our gratitude to Matt Stowe and Nate Butler at the Beast for helping to make our move as seamless as possible, as well as Arran Bardige for his analytics help and Brian Ries for assisting our social media switch. Thanks to the design/dev team Ronik and web designer Jesse Pugh for their early guidance. And thanks to Steve Hanley at Getty Images for streamlining our new account and to Terry Colon for his brilliant cartoons.

Those of you racking up read-ons and waiting for the nudge to cough up a nickel a day can get it over with – and never see a pop-up – by subscribing [tinypass_offer text=”here”].

Dissent Of The Day

A reader writes:

One Maciel reference this week? Eh, fine. But another? I fully understand the comments: put simply, there was a case against Maciel that the CDF was handling, and then it was shelved on Ratzinger’s orders. Simplistically, this is atrocious. Let’s take a broader view, though, shall we?

Maciel was HUGELY popular in the Vatican during these years. There were stories of Pope John Paul II just handing him cash – not transferring money to the Legion of Christ, or even to Maciel’s bank account, but literally handing him legal tender. In some of these episodes, the transferred object is the more cartoonish sack of cash. So, clearly, Maciel had Vatican support and favor not just vocally but totally.

Fast forward. John Paul II has been ill and Ratzinger has been his steward. John Paul II takes a turn for the worse and will indeed end up dying within a few months. Four months before John Paul II dies, Ratzinger privately forces Maciel to step down as its head. Less than a week before John Paul II dies, Ratzinger has reopened the case against the Legions. Upon assuming office, Pope Benedict XVI makes a reference to a need to “clean the filth” from the church. Within a year, Maciel is suspended from all ministry.

There is a very easy case to be made that Benedict XVI did not do enough. There is an even easier case to be made that he acted cowardly and not in the full interests of the victims. I see an institution that cared more for itself that it did its victims, particularly under a Pope that apparently is on the fast track to canonization, somehow. In Benedict XVI I see a conflicted, conservative coward head of the CDF who nonetheless viscerally hated Maciel. He did not risk conflict with the Pope over his favorite celebrity and was cowed by the overwhelming support for Maciel at the Vatican, either implicitly or explicitly. But the minute he had the full opportunity he moved against Maciel in the face of residual clerical support for the man.

These scandals are disgusting to any human being. Being a Catholic, they are disgusting and hurtful on top of it. The victims of course know far worse. Ratzinger was nowhere near brave enough in his actions regarding Maciel. But your welding of the Maciel scandal to Ratzinger is, frankly, a joke. The man who bears ultimate responsibility for this monster left to roam is the one with the ongoing canonization process that I nary hear a peep about. And I don’t think it is a difficult argument to make that out of the whole batch of high-ranking Vatican officials, Ratzinger is the only one who ever did a damn thing about Maciel.

And it was far too little and far too late, and required him to knowingly allow more seminarians and children to be raped and abused. Delay meant enabling more abuse. Maybe your usual secular bureaucrat could look past this, and say he had no real power to change anything once JP2 was in control. So why did Benedict then put the chief defender of Maciel on the fastest track to sainthood ever?

And are our standards with respect to priests as Christians the same as those of clerks in authoritarian dictatorships? This is the church founded by Jesus finding reasons to ignore child rape on a massive scale because it wanted to avoid embarrassment and keep the money coming in. And Ratzinger was the sole individual who knew all of it. And for so, so long, did nothing because of church politics. It tells you all you need to know about his moral convictions and what happened when they came into conflict with power. Power won.

And I’m sorry, but, as with torture, I cannot, will not, ever let go of this. Because there are some crimes – the torture of a fellow human being, the rape of a child – that stand out for their absolute abuse of absolute power. These crimes must be brought to justice. They still haunt and cripple countless victims in every continent in the profoundest way.

Evil remains at the heart of the Vatican. And I am not going to pretty it up. I’m going to get in its face. And stay there. I do not know what else to do. What else is there to do?

Previous Dish on Maciel here.

Noticing Nukes

In the wake of North Korea’s nuclear weapons test on Tuesday, Forrest Wickman wonders if it is possible to conduct such a test on the sly:

[T]he best bet would be to hollow out a large, round cavern deep underground and blow up a small device at the center of it. Because such a bomb would have a less immediate impact on the rock around it… its seismic impact could be of a small enough magnitude to go undetected. However, because of the difficulty of building such a large hole without drawing attention, it’s unlikely that any country would be able to hide an explosion of more than 1 or 2 kilotons. For comparison, the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki yielded explosions of 15 and 22 kilotons, respectively.

Rubio’s A No-Go?

RubioWater

Robert Draper profiles young Republicans hoping to lead the GOP out of the wilderness. A teaser:

I asked [David] Plouffe, wasn’t the G.O.P. just one postmodern presidential candidate — say, a Senator Marco Rubio — away from getting back into the game?

Pouncing, he replied: “Let me tell you something. The Hispanic voters in Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico don’t give a damn about Marco Rubio, the Tea Party Cuban-American from Florida. You know what? We won the Cuban vote! And it’s because younger Cubans are behaving differently than their parents. It’s probably my favorite stat of the whole campaign. So this notion that Marco Rubio is going to heal their problems — it’s not even sophomoric; it’s juvenile! And by the way: the bigger problem they’ve got with Latinos isn’t immigration. It’s their economic policies and health care. The group that supported the president’s health care bill the most? Latinos.”

Ambers isn’t so quick to dismiss Rubio:

The Republican savior has to thread the needle: There is room for Republicans to grow their vote in the Rust Belt. But they’ve been unable to do so in their current configuration. The party’s message and messengers aren’t working well enough. A galvanizing candidate, someone who can shake up the chess board, someone who can attach new policies to existing demographic groups and grow them, is what Republicans need. That’s why superficial qualities like Marco Rubio’s youth and, yes, his ethnicity, matter more.

(Photoshop by Princess Sparkle Pony’s Blog.)

One Sign Marriage Equality Is Winning …

Not just the huge new victories in Britain and France, but this in the lead-up to America’s Supreme Court showdown:

Forty-one states prohibit same-sex marriage. But only twenty of those forty-one states have filed briefs in support of the constitutionality of Proposition 8: Indiana is the lead party on a brief for nineteen states, and Michigan filed a brief of its own. Compare this level of state participation with, for example, the amicus brief filed by all forty-nine other states in Maryland v. King (to be argued February 26), in support of Maryland’s argument that a state does not violate the Fourth Amendment by collecting and analyzing the DNA of persons who have been arrested for, but not convicted of, a criminal offense.

Marty Lederman has more. They know this is a losing battle.