Cannabis Is Not A Culture War

Mark Kleiman’s consulting firm has been hired to “advise the Washington State Liquor Control Board on implementing Washington’s I-502 marijuana legalization law.” Kleiman explains why, in the above video, he won’t say whether or not he smokes pot:

The question about my own use or non-use of pot always comes up, and I always answer the same way, with a polite (I hope) “None of your business.” I don’t think there’s any ill will involved in asking the question: journalists simply want to “place” their sources culturally on the hippie-to-jock spectrum. But I want to resist the whole idea that drug policy should be a clash of cultural identities rather than a serious discussion of harms and benefits.

Why Take His Name? Ctd

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Many more readers sound off:

I’m to be married a month from now, and this has been a hot topic among friends. My fiancé will be taking my last name. But I’m a firm believer that we humans should take advantage of the one time that we have a little choice in what we are called. I say the new rules should go like this: best last name wins. I don’t want to name names, but our contest wasn’t even close. Her last name is British slang for penis, whereas mine is synonymous with brute Swedish strength. As the rest of my circle falls into marriage, I will be a big advocate for this new approach. Family legacy be damned.

Another:

When I started dating my wife, I let it be known that I would have no problem if she hyphenated or kept her own name. But since her maiden name was Virgin (yes, not Virginia, not Burgenie, Virgin) she was ready to ditch it as fast as she could. Virgin-Wright (or even Wright-Virgin) just wasn’t happening. So she remained a Virgin until marriage and not a moment more.

Another:

My mother’s advice: if the married name is easier to spell, go with it. It was, so I did! I’ve saved probably six and a half days of spelling my name out for people.

And another:

My daughter’s father and I are not married.  At the time when I was pregnant and after I gave birth, her father and I were planning on getting married.  That didn’t happen, and it is also probably the best thing for my daughter and me that it did not happen.  My daughter is now 20 years old.  I raised her on my own with the help of my supportive family.

My daughter also still has her father’s last name, and she’s the only one in our family that has that last name.  Why didn’t I change it when she was young and it was apparent that her father was not going to be a part of her life?  I didn’t change for a couple reasons.  The first reason is superficial – it’s a pretty last name, and it sounds beautiful with her first name.  The other reason is maybe more important – it’s the only thing her father gave her, and I want her to keep it and have something beautiful from her father.

Though I should also add that my daughter’s middle name is my last name. Even though I do love her father’s last name, I still wanted my name in there somewhere.

Another:

Within mine and my husband’s families I think we have almost every variation on this theme.  I kept mine.  Why?  My then fiancee said, “I fell in love with Susan Green, I want to be married to Susan Green.”  Twenty-odd years later he still is married to Susan Green.

America’s Greatest Sitcom

Wrapping up the Vulture’s “Sitcom Smackdown,” Matt Zoller Seitz calls Cheers “a flawless pearl glinting on a beach. But The Simpsons is the beach”:

At some point in its run, the show transcended aesthetic concerns and became an institution, a juggernaut, a public utility, a monument, and (yes, really) a living document that’s probably quoted as widely and frequently as the Bible, and with a lot more enthusiasm. I wouldn’t be surprised if The Simpsons ran for another twenty years, or until one of its principals croaked of old age. (What if it’s Dan Castellaneta and it happens during taping? One last Homeric wail of anguish! They’d probably weave it into the final episode, the way John Travolta did with Nancy Allen’s dying scream at the end of Blow Out.) Plus, at a certain point, indestructibility trumps every other value — especially if the artists in question have earned a spot in the pop culture pantheon, as The Simpsons surely has.

Related coverage of South Park and Arrested Development here.

Our Opinionated Media

1-On-MSNBC-Opinion-Dominates-Reporting

The Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism recently released their annual “State of the Media” report, which finds that opinion reporting on the big three cable networks is up:

On cable, the news structure of the three channels—the mix of interviews, packaged segments and live coverage—has changed. After relying on significantly distinct formats five years ago, the three rivals now look strikingly similar. … CNN, which has branded itself around reporting resources and reach, cut back between 2007 and 2012 on two areas tied to that brand—in-depth story packages and live event coverage. Even so, CNN is the only one of the three big cable news channels to produce more straight reporting than commentary over all. At the other end of that spectrum lies MSNBC, where opinion fills a full 85% of the channel’s airtime.

Paul Waldman argues that the decline of “straight reporting” isn’t necessarily something to worry about:

If MSNBC decides that analyzing, discussing, and debating the news is going to be their thing, and people watch it, that doesn’t do any harm. And indeed, you’ll learn more from an episode of one of MSNBC’s better talk shows than you will from a dozen reported packages about this week’s Trial of the Century or the latest snowstorm moving through the Midwest.

In Yglesias’ view, news consumers have never had it better:

Just ask yourself: Is there more or less good material for you to read today than there was 13 years ago? The answer is, clearly, more. Indeed, one thing the Pew report correctly emphasizes is that (as we at Slate are well aware) it’s hard to make lots of money selling ads online. But it’s hard primarily for the same reason that the Internet is such a bonanza for readers: There’s lots of competition and lots of stuff to read. A traditional newspaper used to compete with a single cross-town rival. Time would compete with NewsweekTime doesn’t compete with Newsweek anymore: Instead it competes with every single English-language website on the planet. It’s tough, but it merely underscores the extent of the enormous advances in productivity that are transforming the industry.

Ed Kilgore, meanwhile, zooms in on local coverage:

[I]t’s the data on local TV that’s really alarming. According to Pew, coverage of politics and government now accounts for an average of 3 percent of the airtime on local television “newscasts,” less than half the proportion registered in 2005. By comparison, 71% of newscast airtime is absorbed by crimes (or trials), traffic and weather, sports, and accidents/”bizarre events”/disasters. When combined with the cutbacks and disappearances afflicting print media, and the relatively small proportion of online content devoted to state and local government developments, you’ve got a host of governments operating virtually in the dark.

(Chart from the Pew Report)

Barack Obama vs George Washington

President Obama's Official Visit To Israel And The West Bank Day One

A reminder of the words of the first American president, George Washington, in his Farewell Address:

“The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest …

501px-Gilbert_Stuart_Williamstown_Portrait_of_George_WashingtonA passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification.

It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation,” – George Washington, in his Farewell Address.

And now, Barack Obama, as he arrives in Israel:

“So as I begin this visit, let me say as clearly as I can –the United States of America stands with the State of Israel because it is in our fundamental national security interest to stand with Israel. It makes us both stronger. It makes us both more prosperous. And it makes the world a better place. That’s why the United States was the very first nation to recognize the State of Israel 65 years ago. That’s why the Star of David and the Stars and Stripes fly together today. And that is why I’m confident in declaring that our alliance is eternal, it is forever – lanetzach.”

The concept of an “eternal”, and “unbreakable” alliance with any other single country is a statement George Washington would have regarded as deeply corrosive of foreign policy and domestic governance. To declare it in the language of the foreign country has even deeper resonance. It is now the governing principle of both political parties – and the primary reason we may once again be headed to war with unforeseeable consequences in the Middle East.

If anyone ever believed Obama was able to change that, or that any president can change that, they have been taught an important lesson. We’ve come a long, long way from George Washington’s vision of America. We have defined another, decades-old country half way across the world as integral to our own.

(Photo: President Barack Obama is greeted by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during an official welcoming ceremony on his arrival at Ben Gurion International Airport on March, 20, 2013 near Tel Aviv, Israel. By Marc Israel Sellem-Pool/Getty Images.)

From The Archive: The First Hathos Alert

I wrote on June 20, 2001:

John Derbyshire’s uncategorizable advice to his timid son is now up on National Review Online. Who else would encourage his offspring to fight back against a bully by bribing him with ice-cream and the words: “But I want to see the blood. Ice cream for blood.” The piece ends with the injunction that anyone who advocates single motherhood as a lifestyle option should be “sewn into a heavy leather sack with lots of broken glass and rolled down a l-o-n-g slope.” Leather? Have I created a monster? Derb has also just written what must be one of the weirdest discourses on fellatio I have ever read in New York Press. It begins: “I have been thinking about fellatio. No, no, don’t hit the back button. This is serious stuff. I have issues.” On that last sentence, I think we can all agree.

A colleague of mine – I can’t remember who, maybe they’ll email me to remind me – once coined the term “hathos” for the compulsive need to read something you find horrifying, yet irresistible. Read these pieces and you’ll know what I mean.

How Obama Became Netanyahu

Beinart explains.

Last night, I watched “The Gatekeepers“, a devastating documentary featuring several Shin Bet leaders over the last few decades. These men – the most hardened, realist, patriots – all acknowledge that the occupation is killing Israel’s soul, security and global support. All tactics, no strategy, as one puts it.

There is, it seems to me, no neutral ground on this. Either the settlements must be stopped and reversed or the US must cut its ties to Israel. Yet neither will happen ever. Perhaps there is some moral preening in opposing the settlements, as I do, while knowing that none of this matters, that the brutality will continue, and our complicity in it will be as “unbreakable” and “eternal” as the alliance Obama is currently toasting. But what else can one do?

The alternative for a writer like me is total disengagement, an acceptance that this deliberate immiseration and humiliation of an entire people is now simply part of what it means to be an American. My fear – and it is echoed by the former leaders of the Shin Bet – is that this acceptance will not end the reckoning that will come from doing nothing. Maybe Rabin was the last chance. But it is increasingly hard to believe otherwise.

Nostra Maxima Culpa

TO GO WITH AFP STORY "IRAQ-YEAR-2006"

Ezra apologizes for supporting the Iraq War. His key mistake:

Rather than looking at the war that was actually being sold, I’d invented my own Iraq war to support — an Iraq war with different aims, promoted by different people, conceptualized in a different way and bearing little resemblance to the project proposed by the Bush administration.

Chait also accounts for his mistakes:

The biggest single conceptual failure of my argument for war is that I gave absurdly little thought to the post-invasion phase. I was aware that the Bush administration was deploying far too few troops to the front for a workable occupation while blatantly lying about the war’s likely costs. I assumed that its real plan was to decapitate the Iraqi leadership, install a more pliant and less brutal military figure in Saddam’s place, and call it democracy.

In other words, I deemed the administration’s rhetoric about democracy to be a pack of lies. Now, I could accept this, because I assumed the successor regime would be less brutal than the psychotically cruel one that was being deposed. The quality of the regime was an important predicate for my support of the war — I would not have supported it had I believed it would make life harder for Iraqis, on the whole — but not the necessary rationale. I assumed these things because at the time Bush appeared — from the 2000 campaign through Florida through his push to cut taxes — to be a dishonest but ruthlessly effective figure. A messy, undermanned occupation would be politically fatal, I reasoned, therefore Bush wouldn’t actually undertake one.

Both critiques apply to me as well. Rumsfeld and Cheney were great at projecting confidence, competence and management skills. And we were all still traumatized by 9/11 and grappling with how to respond to it. But we know now they were as terrified as we were, and their fear drove them to abandon restraint or skepticism or competent military and intelligence advice.

This feels like an academic debate. But it isn’t. I have blood on my hands. However many times I try to wash them, the blood will not come off.

(Photo: An Iraqi carries the body of his grandson out of the morgue of a hospital in Baghdad 21 November 2006. The child was killed according to his grandfather when Iraqi and US forces raided Baghdad’s Shiite district of Sadr City to hunt for a kidnapped US soldier, the second such raid in two days. A shattered Iraq limped into 2007 after a year in which a bloody insurgency escalated into brutal sectarian war, forcing Washington to contemplate a major policy shift to halt total disintegration. By Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP/Getty.)

Obama’s Charm Offensive In Israel

President Obama's Official Visit To Israel And The West Bank Day One

Beinart sees the president’s trip to Israel as a belated attempt to improve his image in the country:

[T]his week’s trip will involve, if nothing else, a lot of talking to the Israeli people. In addition to visiting Yad Vashem, Israel’s Holocaust museum, and the graves of Theodor Herzl and Yitzhak Rabin, Obama will give a public speech in Jerusalem at which the White House has requested the presence of at least 1,000 Israelis. The idea is that by wooing ordinary Israelis first, Obama will find a more receptive audience when he unveils another initiative for Mideast peace. Administration aides are well aware that Netanyahu surrendered his first prime ministership after resisting demands for territorial withdrawal by Bill Clinton, a president widely admired in Israel. And they know that Yair Lapid, Netanyahu’s chief political rival, has criticized him for mismanaging the Obama relationship. A charm offensive, in other words, may do more to push Israel’s government in the direction of two states than a hard line.

Last week, Goldblog detailed the administration’s thinking:

During the first term, Administration thinking held that there was no point in sending the President to meet with Israelis and Palestinians on their home turf unless there was real progress in negotiations. Last year, this thinking shifted: Visiting the region while it was relatively quiet, without carrying a specific political agenda, grew to seem like a smart idea, in particular because many Israelis had grown suspicious of his intentions and would therefore benefit from direct exposure to the man, rather than his caricature.

Janine Zacharia believes that Obama’s campaign won’t make much headway:

Just as Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel—whose nomination was held up by those who worried he wasn’t pro-Israel enough—wasn’t running for Israeli defense minister, Obama isn’t running for Israeli office (or any office for that matter). And anyone who knows Israelis and their current mindset on the Palestinians (Palestinians, who?) knows that a little ego stroking isn’t going to get that population behind a peace deal. That doesn’t mean the trip couldn’t do some good. While the president is there ostensibly repairing the relationship with Israelis who’ve felt jilted, Obama may be sending an important signal to Tehran. The message: Just because I can’t stand Bibi doesn’t mean I won’t stand with him in preventing you from getting a nuclear weapon.

Aaron David Miller doesn’t expect much either, but doubts there will be another dust-up between the president and Bibi:

Netanyahu — much weakened in the new coalition government by two upstarts who have shifted the agenda from security to social and economic issues — may want to keep foreign policy prominent. And for this, he needs Obama. While he and Obama have differed over whether a military strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities is wise, there is still a good chance for coordination. The Israelis don’t want to strike unilaterally. Netanyahu is hoping that either through a credible deal on restricting Iran’s uranium enrichment or through U.S. military action, the Iranian nuclear program will be constrained, if not undermined, and Israel won’t have to act alone.

Another topic that’s sure to come up is what to do about Syria’s chemical weapon stockpile. Meanwhile, Steven Cook zeroes in on the ever-shrinking space for negotiations, especially on Jerusalem, still a central component of any negotations for a peace process:

There is nothing to negotiate. No longer can one look at the city and say, as an old Israeli friend declared to me in the early 1990s, “It’s clear. One part of the city is ours and the other part is theirs. We should share it.”  In the ensuing two decades, the Israelis have done everything possible to make the predominantly Arab parts of East Jerusalem little more than an enclave of Palestinian residents in a greater Israeli and Jewish municipality. Piece-by-piece the Israelis have filled in a jigsaw of new neighborhoods that ring the eastern part of the city.

Jay Newton-Small previews Obama’s next stop after Israel:

The President will wrap his tour in Jordan, where he’ll try to convince King Abdullah not to close his borders to Syrians fleeing the two-year-old civil war, even as Jordan’s economy buckles under the strain of 400,000 refugees with twice that number expected by year’s end. Jordan’s economy has also taken a hit as tourism has fallen off due to regional unrest and the perception of insecurity. To promote Jordan, Obama will play tourist for a day, visiting the ancient site of Petra with 500 international journalists in tow, demonstrating how safe – and appealing – Jordan’s tourist attractions remain. Jordan also hopes for more pledges of support from the U.S. for the Syrian refugees and for their own economic reforms.

(Photo: US President Barack Obama shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during an official welcoming ceremony on his arrival at Ben Gurion International Airport on March 20, 2013 near Tel Aviv, Israel. By Ilia Yefimovich/Getty Images)