Keller vs Greenwald: Why Not Both? Ctd

PM Carpenter is on a very similar page as I am, but with a different conclusion:

Who, in my opinion, is right? Both Greenwald and Keller, for both men make claims based on assumptions of honorable, professional behavior and genuine intent. Perhaps this is that element of this democratic socialist’s ineradicable conservatism peeping out–that is, my belief that some traditions are worthy traditions merely by virtue of their proven serviceability and violent collapse of other approaches–but I’d give the edge to Keller, for one simple, and for me primal, reason: Greenwald’s moralism scares the hell out of me.

Coverage You Can’t Keep, Ctd

Cohn explains why insurance companies are terminating policies:

One of Obamacare’s primary goals is to make sure everybody has a decent health insurance policy. Under the law, every plan should include a comprehensive set of benefits and put some limits on what people pay out-of-pocket. The policies now available in the non-group market frequently don’t meet those standards. They might leave out benefits like maternity or mental health—or they might have truly exorbitant deductibles. Starting next year, insurers can’t sell new policies unless they meet Obamacare’s standards. That will tend to make insurance more expensive.

A TPM reader provides a positive personal perspective on these terminations:

I’ve been self-employed for 13 years. Most of that time, I’ve had an HSA with a high-deductible policy; the deductible has ranged from $3,000 to $5,500. A traditional individual policy would be cost-prohibitive because–although I have low blood pressure, heart rate, and cholesterol, work out regularly, take no prescriptions, and have no chronic conditions–I’m deemed to have preexisting conditions, basically because I’ve dared seek medical attention in the past. I was once rejected by an insurer based on a single episode of sciatica five years earlier. I don’t think people who have had employer-provided coverage have any idea what the individual health insurance market has been like.

Anyway, you may have seen in the past couple of days how some insurers are being forced to drop thousands of individual policies because they’re not ACA-compliant. My current policy is among those, so I’ve looked for a new policy with my insurer (Anthem). And, thanks to the ACA, I can finally get a more traditional policy because the insurer has to offer ACA-compliant plans and can’t exclude for preexisting conditions. As a result, I’m switching to a Silver level plan with a $2,000 deductible, free preventive care, reasonable co-pays ($30-$45) for doctors’ visits pre-deductible and reasonable co-insurance (25%) post-deductible, all for a premium that’s only $20 more than what I was paying. Significantly better coverage, in other words, for about $240 more per year. The media, however, are depicting the end of those policies as a bad thing, apparently because insureds may have to pay more now. But they don’t mention that these insureds will be getting much better coverage. It’s not an apples-to-apples comparison.

A Meh Bargain

The budget negotiators have stopped pretending that a major deal is doable:

Congressional leaders are already ruling out a big breakthrough in what amounts to the first budget conference in four years, and the eighth major budget commission in three years. It will not lead to a “grand bargain,” according to Senate majority leader Harry Reid and House Budget Committee chairman Paul Ryan. Indeed, the two Congressmen required for any deal that would reform the tax code — House Ways and Means Committee chairman Dave Camp and Senate Finance Committee chairman Max Baucus — have not been appointed to join the group.

So what will the conference do? The 28 members are required to send a report of recommendations to the full chambers by Dec. 13. The conference will likely focus on crafting a small deal to avert the next fiscal crisis early next year.

How Chait will evaluate the results:

If you want to judge whether any agreement makes sense, the best guide is not whether Democrats win revenue, but whether they win permanent changes in policy. The domestic appropriations budget gets written year by year. Trading away permanent changes to Social Security or Medicare in return for temporary increases in the discretionary budget is a bad deal — it would boost the recovery, but at the cost of handing conservatives a one-sided victory over the scope of government. If Obama gives Republicans permanent changes in return for temporary concessions, it will be clear Republicans out-negotiated him on sequestration. If Obama can get other permanent policy victories — different (and more regressive) forms of taxation, or funding for early childhood education — that is the sort of victory that could be traded for long-term entitlement cuts.

I have to say I don’t agree. To get some infrastructure stimulus now while cutting entitlements in the future would be perfectly acceptable to me. I want more boost to get out of this recession, as well as credible entitlement and defense cuts for the future. Collender’s advice to me and other onlookers:

The bottom line is that its important not to overreact to anything the budget conference committee does this week. Not only will the meetings be very preliminary; they almost certainly will be virtually insignificant.

The Church Of Lou Reed

Yesterday the legendary rocker died at the age of 71. Alex Abramovich pays tribute to his influence as a founding member of the Velvet Underground:

For Reed, rock and roll was not a religion; it was religion itself. Repetitions, drones: these were the ways into trance states, and Reed’s way around an ‘all right!’ was rooted in the old Pentecostal church, where the words ‘I feel all right!’ signalled your readiness to receive the Holy Spirit. In his self-reflexive masterpiece, ‘Rock and Roll’, music promised answers that religion could no longer provide. … Over the years, the Velvet Underground became a kind of church in which teenage pilgrims found one another.

Jody Rosen remembers Reed as “a pop star for adults”:

His vocal phrasing was modeled on Bob Dylan’s, but unlike Dylan and other songwriters steeped in folk, Reed never came on like Methuselah—never tried to sound like the old-as-the-hills Voice of the American Musical Unconscious. Instead, Reed did something novel: he wrote and sang rock songs like a grownup. In an interview in the mid-eighties, Reed said: “My interest—all the way back with the Velvets—[has] been in one really simple guiding-light idea: take rock & roll, the pop format, and make it for adults. With subject matter written for adults so adults, like myself, could listen to it.”

Michael Musto eulogizes the artist as a “NYC original” and “cool personified”:

The godfather of punk, with a heavy dose of glam, Lou collaborated with all the right people, and always seemed to eventually make up with them in time to collaborate with them some more.

I thought Lou would be around forever—not only to keep creating, but as a walking reminder of New York’s days of skinny ties and colorful nihilism. He was rock and roll royalty, as photographer/director Timothy Greenfield-Sanders, a longtime friend of Lou’s, just noted to me. Said Greenfield-Sanders:

“I remember standing onstage at Madison Square Garden for David Bowie’s 50th birthday in 1997, getting ready to photograph Lou, who was about to play with his old friend from the Transformer days. Bowie announced the upcoming performance by saying, ‘And now, the king of New York, Lou Reed.’ Lou was the king of New York. Lou represented what we all loved about New York, what was cool, edgy, transgressive. Lou was why we came to New York.”

From Marc Campbell’s tribute:

It has been said that The Velvet Underground spawned more bands than it sold albums. It’s true. Lou opened up the field for millions of us. There are few modern singer/songwriters that haven’t been influenced by his direct way of telling a story in song without hyped-up sentiment or maudlin platitudes. His hard-edged, cynical style, shot through with harsh beauty and tenderness, created a new level of sophistication and adultness in rock that hadn’t much been heard before him. He cut through the cute shit and talked about the raw side of city life like Cole Porter on a cocktail of crystal meth and Seconal. … The shit he wrote about, the shit he lived, could kill you. But you can’t write with the insight he did about the darker side of life, the lost souls and broken hearts, without having an incredible sense of empathy and love.

Chal Ravens’s obituary quotes from Reed’s own recent review of Kanye West’s Yeezus:

“I have never thought of music as a challenge,” he offered. “You always figure the audience is at least as smart as you are. You do this because you like it, you think what you’re making is beautiful. And if you think it’s beautiful, maybe they’ll think it’s beautiful.”

Listen to some of his best songs here.

Keller vs Greenwald: Why Not Both?

BRAZIL-US-ESPIONAGE-GREENWALD

Their exchange is one of the high moments of debate as journalism evolves in the digital era. If you haven’t, do yourself a favor and read it. I come down in favor of both approaches, i.e. alleged “objectivity” or an attempt at impartiality in competition with a press more open about its own biases and point of view. I think readers deserve both. In Britain – though it is far from working perfectly – the biases of the papers make more sense because of the massive resources of the BBC aspiring to impartiality.

But on the basis of this exchange, I think Glenn has the advantage. And that’s because his idea of journalism is inherently more honest – declaring your biases is always more transparent than concealing them. That’s why, I think, the web has rewarded individual stars who report and write but make no bones about where they are coming from. In the end, they seem more reliable and accountable because of their biases than institutions pretending to be above it all. In the NYT, the hidden biases are pretty obvious: an embedded liberal mindset in choosing what to cover, and how; and a self-understanding as a responsible and deeply connected institution in an American system of governance. These things sometimes coexist easily – as a liberal paper covering the Obama administration, for example, with sympathetic toughness. And sometimes, they don’t – as a liberal paper covering the Bush administration, for example, and becoming implicit with its newspeak.

On the latter, Glenn’s strongest point is about the NYT’s decision not to call torture torture when reporting on the torture regime of Bush and Cheney.  Keller still has no good answer here – except, quite obviously, his desire not to burn bridges with an administration and not become a lightning rod for right-wing press critics. Trying to appear objective, in other words, by appeasing both sides in a dispute, is not actually being objective or impartial. It’s enabling war crimes – which I think the New York Times did under Bill Keller’s leadership. No one ever hesitated to use the word torture to describe waterboarding in the past, and the NYT itself did so when other countries were guilty. So hiding your biases, and trying to appear objective, can mean the opposite of honest. That’s why, up there, the Dish has a simple motto: biased and balanced. You know where I’m coming from; and you can also judge if we fairly provide counter-points and dissent. The Dish evolved toward the “biased and balanced” mindset out of a desire to get things right, after I had proven myself all-too able to get things wrong.

Of course, I’m not running (as of yet) original reporting. But reporting, to me, is about finding stuff out, and publishing it without fear, and being accountable for it.

That means publishing without fear of being called leftist by the right, or of being called fascist by the left; publishing without fear of unsettling and even enraging governments; without fear of upsetting, offending, or even boring, readers because some difficult truths need to be gotten out there; and without fear of being called unpatriotic, or biased. That requires enormous discipline, constant tough judgment calls, brass balls, and discriminating restraint. Withholding the truth – unless for fear of risking others’ lives – is something you only do in extraordinarily rare circumstances. So, to take an obvious example, reporting about Iran’s nuclear program without noting Israel’s nuclear and chemical weapons – a key piece of context the NYT routinely refuses to note – is not impartial. And bias is best concealed within an allegedly unbiased news outlet.

Equally, it means matching revelations from democratic societies with revelations from autocracies. A press that constantly make the US government unable to keep secrets reliably needs to put in a lot of effort to do the same with far less porous regimes. It means careful consideration of internal government documents before publishing; it means eschewing excess zeal in revealing secrets, in favor of measured and responsible explanation of the broader issues involved. That’s called balance.

We have yet to see what Glenn and his future colleagues will produce under much more strenuous institutional boundaries. But we need him. And with any luck, the competition will sharpen the NYT as well. There is a golden mean here – one which the NYT aspires to but often fails to achieve. It will only do better with Glenn nipping at their heels.

(Photo: The Guardian’s Brazil-based reporter Glenn Greenwald, who was among the first to reveal Washington’s vast electronic surveillance program, testifies before the investigative committee of the Brazilian Senate that examines charges of espionage by the United States in Brasilia on October 9, 2013. By Evaristo Sa, AFP/Getty Images.)

Why Does Sebelius Still Have A Job?

The head of HHS recently brushed off calls for her resignation:

Isaac Chotiner credits the GOP for Sebelius’s job security:

Just imagine for a moment that Obama fired Sebelius and was forced to appoint a new head of the HHS, who would of course need Senate confirmation. This person would almost automatically be labeled the new “Obamacare czar” and would be unlikely to win confirmation unless he or she promised to push for, say, the repeal of Obamacare and the imprisonment of everyone who voted for it. When the Senate goes to unprecedented lengths to block executive branch appointments, it creates a situation where the president is highly unlikely to make personnel changes. Holder undoubtedly remains in his job largely for this reason. Any new appointee for Attorney General would be forced to disown Holder’s record entirely and declare the necessity of investigating what Darrell Issa called ”the most corrupt government in history.”

Earlier Dish on firing Sebelius here and here.

The Healthcare.gov Deadline

On Friday, the administration announced that, “By the end of November, HealthCare.gov will work smoothly for the vast majority of users.” Chait parses this promise:

The administration is obviously putting its neck on the line here. If it fails to hit the deadline, all political hell will break loose. (There is a little wiggle room, as the promise applies to “the vast majority of users.”) Therefore, presumably, the administration is extremely confident it can hit this deadline. On the other hand, it was also extremely confident it could have the site working reasonably well by October 1. So Obama apparently believes not only that his administration can fix the technical problem, but also that it has already fixed the managerial problem that caused it to underestimate its technical problem.

Ezra weighs in:

[T]here’s one more possibility: That the White House is simply buying time.

Saying they can this done by the end of November takes some of the pressure off until then. And if they fail, well, that’s such a disaster for the law that adding the extra hit to credibility that would be lost from failing the timeline is almost irrelevant. It’s like skinning your knee after cutting off your foot.

Drum adds:

If there’s a reason for caution, it’s this: teams that are fixing bugs are usually under enormous pressure to offer up the most optimistic date possible for getting the system working. This suggests that the end of November is the absolute earliest plausible date for getting the Obamacare website working well. Take it with a grain of salt.

Sarah Kliff chimes in:

[Late November], perhaps not coincidentally, is the point at which most health-care experts believe the site needs to be up and running without causing serious damage to the Affordable Care Act’s first-year open enrollment numbers. It gives shoppers a few weeks to shop for coverage and purchase a plan before Dec. 15, the last day to purchase a plan that begins Jan. 1.