Why Not Just Get Rid Of The Debt Ceiling?

Yglesias would like to see it abolished:

With this whole terrible idea of using the debt ceiling as a policymaking opportunity behind us, can we just get rid of the darn thing? It serves no useful purpose beyond partisan needling. But it obviously doesn’t systematically advantage either Democrats or Republicans. In the long run, the needling all just evens out. What you’re left with is a negative-sum impact on the real world. So let’s scrap it.

Eric Posner points out that Congress is already on it:

Recently, several members of Congress, including Representative Mike Honda and Senators Barbara Boxer, Chuck Schumer, and Mazie Hirono, introduced legislation to do just that. The bills provide that when the national debt comes within $100 billion of the ceiling, the president may send a notification to Congress to that effect. Congress then would have a limited period of time during which it may issue a joint resolution that forbids borrowing above the debt ceiling. If Congress fails to pass such a resolution, or does but it is vetoed, Treasury may borrow beyond the debt ceiling. The bills make sense, and Congress should act on them as soon as possible.

How To Help Russia’s Gays

One of the more frustrating aspects of the debate about homosexuality in Putin’s neo-fascist Russia is what we can actually do about it. Protests are fine; international condemnation is important; helping gay groups in Russia matters. But at some point, this is not our country, and there are limits to intervention, if we are not going to engage in the simplistic idea that all societies across the globe must now have the same prevailing attotudes toward gayness that have only recently emerged in the West. In our latest podcast, I asked Masha Gessen what her ideas are for giving Russian gays some practical support and help. Her answer surprised me – but it shouldn’t have: granting Russian gays the group refugee status that we once accorded to Soviet Jews:


If you’re a subscriber, you can listen to the whole podcast here. If you’re not because you’re still procrastinating on renewing, get it over with and subscribe here!

The Right’s Near Silence On Michael Sam

Cohn observes it:

First Lady Michelle Obama and Vice President Joe Biden each issued personally signed tweets praising Sam. So did several Democratic senators, including Clare McCaskill of Missouri. But do you know who hasn’t made a statement? Missouri’s other senator, the Republican—Roy Blunt. And there’s been a similarly odd split in the media. Pretty much every left-of-center publication has weighed in—Mother Jones, the Nation, and the American Prospect all had something to say. There appears to be nothing at National Review or the Weekly Standard. The Fox News seems similarly bereft of commentary.

In fact, the only conservative punditry on Sam I’ve seen was an odd, if predictably unpleasant, rant from Rush Limbaugh.

Dan Savage spots and dismantles one of the few other right-wing responses:

Sam, who cares about your sexual preference?”, asks a conservative blogger. We actually do care about the sexual preferences of pro-athletes (or about-to-go-pro athletes)—their orientations, their escapades, their taste in Kardashians—but since everyone is presumed to be straight until they say otherwise (a not unreasonable assumption, as most people are straight), only gay or bi athletes are in the position of having to announce their sexual orientations. No one objects when the straight-by-default assumption essentially (and loudly and accurately) announces a heterosexual athlete’s sexual orientation—but let a gay person announce his sexual orientation and watch the rightwingers have aneurysms.

Marriage Equality Update

Nevada state officials have decided they can no longer defend the state’s same-sex marriage ban. Lyle Denniston explains what comes next:

The Nevada ban will get a continuing defense in the Ninth Circuit by the Coalition for the Protection of Marriage, the sponsors of the ballot measure against same-sex marriage.  Under a provision of federal rules for appeals, a case can continue to a decision even if the state involved drops out as a defender, leaving only a private party to support the state measure.

Meanwhile, another federal appeals court, the Tenth Circuit, based in Denver, has scheduled two hearings in April on the marriage controversy — on April 10, a hearing on the constitutionality of Utah’s same-sex marriage ban, and on April 17, a hearing on the constitutionality of Oklahoma’s similar ban.  In both of those cases, federal district court judges struck down the bans.

It is unclear at this point which of these cases, or some other case from another federal appeals court, would be the first to reach the Supreme Court.  But it now appears close to predictable that the Justices will be confronted with the underlying constitutional issue sometime later this year, in time for consideration at the next Term opening in October — if the Justices are ready then to take on the question.

A Jump In The Right Direction

Germany’s Carina Vogt won the gold metal in women’s ski jumping yesterday, making her the first person in Olympic history to do so; until this year, only men could compete in the sport. Amanda Ruggeri looks back on the absurdity of the 90-year snub, which was partly based on the protection of women’s reproductive organs:

Let’s point out what should be pretty obvious already: Ski jumping is hard on women’s bodies. That’s because it’s hard on everyone’s bodies – on knees and knee ligaments, in particular, not on reproductive organs. The IOC’s Medical Commission itself stated the equivalent of “no duh” in a special report in 2002, writing that, in sports in general, “The female reproductive organs are better protected from serious athletic injury than the male organs. Serious sports injuries to the uterus or ovaries are extremely rare.” Lindsey Van, one of the three women jumping for the U.S. this year and the winner in 2009 of the first Nordic World Ski Championships to include women, put the matter more colorfully to NBC last year: “It just makes me nauseous. Like, I kind of want to vomit. Like, really? Like, I’m sorry, but my baby-making organs are on the inside. Men have an organ on the outside. So if it’s not safe for me jumping down, then my uterus is going to fall out, what about the organ on the outside of the body?”

In Praise Of The Hatchet Job

Maybe it’s because we have all become inured to “snark” that we’ve come to look down on brutal book reviews. And some are indeed irritating. There are few hatchet-jobs in TNR’s back-of-the-book that aren’t motivated by personal malice, bitter jealousy, or preening self-righteousness. But the classic hatchet-job – written by an arch, disinterested, yet vicious critic – is still a mercy. James Wood can still do this stateside, but it does seem a very English vocation. And as journalism slowly surrenders to public relations, and as criticism cedes to reader reviews, I’m glad that in Blighty, the Omnivore maintains its “Hatchet Job Of The Year” prize:

Camilla Long took the prize last year, for her write-up of Rachel Cusk’s memoir Aftermath, in which she dismissed Cusk as “a brittle little dominatrix and peerless narcissist who exploits her husband and her marriage with relish”, and who “describes her grief in expert, whinnying detail”. Adam Mars-Jones won the inaugural Hatchet for his review of Michael Cunningham’s By Nightfall, in the Observer. “The book’s pages are filled with thoughts about art, or (more ominously) Thoughts about Art,” wrote Mars-Jones.

But this year’s winner is an almost perfect match between reviewer and subject. It’s the brilliant A.A. Gill of the Sunday Times (where I write a weekly column on America) and Morrissey, whose pendulous autobiography was just published with a bulls-eye already attached – it was part of the Penguin Classics collection, up there with Aristotle and Jane Austen. Well, take it away, AA:

Morrissey’s most pooterishly embarrassing piece of intellectual social climbing is having this autobiography published by Penguin Classics. Not Modern Classics, you understand, where the authors can still do book signings, but the classic Classics, where they’re dead and some of them only have one name. Molière, Machiavelli, Morrissey. He has made up for being alive by having a photograph of himself pretending to be dead on the cover.

And the denouement:

There are many pop autobiographies that shouldn’t be written. Some to protect the unwary reader, and some to protect the author. In Morrissey’s case, he has managed both. This is a book that cries out like one of his maudlin ditties to be edited. But were an editor to start, there would be no stopping. It is a heavy tome, utterly devoid of insight, warmth, wisdom or likeability. It is a potential firelighter of vanity, self-pity and logorrhoeic dullness. Putting it in Penguin Classics doesn’t diminish Aristotle or Homer or Tolstoy; it just roundly mocks Morrissey, and this is a humiliation constructed by the self-regard of its victim.

With some cupcake icing added for effect by your humble reviewer.

The News According To Twitter And Facebook

Felix Salmon declares that the two social media companies “have become the new indispensable [news] bundles — and in doing so have changed the nature of what news is”:

The new dominance of social media in the news business is not depressing at all: it’s excellent news. Just as most news consumers were never avid enough to seek out blogs, most Americans were never avid enough to seek out news at all. They didn’t buy newspapers; they didn’t watch the nightly news on TV; it just wasn’t something which interested them.

But now the news comes at them directly, from their friends, which means that the total news audience has grown massively, even just within the relatively stagnant US population.

Globally, of course, it’s growing faster still — the ubiquitous smartphone is a worldwide phenomenon.We’re at an excitingly early stage in working out how to best produce and provide news in a social world. There are lots of business models that might work; there are also editorial models that look like they work until they don’t. But if you look at the news business as a whole, rather than at individual companies, it’s almost impossible not to be incredibly optimistic. Media used to be carved up along geographic grounds, because of the physical limitations of distributing newspapers or broadcasting TV signals. Now, there are thousands of communities and interest groups that gather together on Twitter and Facebook and share news with each other, which means there are thousands of new ways to build an audience…

One journalist recently told me that it has changed more in the past eight months than it changed in the previous five years, and I think he’s right about that.

Gorby agrees that the audience for news is growing rapidly and believes that this is “a fantastic business opportunity.” But Derek Thompson examines research on what is actually being shared on Facebook. It mostly isn’t news:

Independent studies of virality conducted out of Wharton, the National Science Foundation, and the University of South Australia have all reached the same conclusion. The stories and videos most likely to be shared, emailed, and posted on Facebook aren’t necessarily the newest stories, but they are the most evocative. The most famous of these studies, by University of Pennsylvania professors Jonah Berger and Katherine Milkman, concluded that online stories producing “high-arousal emotions” were more viral, whether those emotions were positive (e.g.: happiness and awe) or negative (e.g.: anger or anxiety).

The News Feed is perhaps the world’s most sophisticated mirror of its readers’ preferences—and it’s fairly clear that news isn’t one of them. We simply prefer stories that fulfill the very purpose of Facebook’s machine-learning algorithm, to show us a reflection of the person we’d like to be, to make us feel, to make us smile, and, most simply, to remind us of ourselves.

Yes, but that just suggests that the entire model of “news” – in which nothing that isn’t new should be part of journalism – is archaic. There is nothing new today that cannot be better understood without reference to yesterday. And now that we have an entire universe of content to use, mashup, recreate, re-tell and re-purpose, our task is to provide something actually new: a conversation about the world that brings past, present and future into a platform that engages our hearts as well as our minds. It’s what we find ourselves doing at the Dish every day. And it is empowered by the passion and loyalty of the Dish community, but also, increasingly, by Facebook and Twitter – as our readers reach out to new readers and they reach back to us.

Dissents Of The Day

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A reader writes:

Although I usually thoroughly enjoy the challenges to my assumptions you often enunciate in your postings, I was dismayed to see you write in your post “Christianists on the Left?” that tired old argument:

[T]here is no disputing Jesus’ teachings about the poor. But Jesus had no teachings about government‘s relationship to the poor, no collective admonitions for a better polity.

Jesus had no need to address our odd dichotomy between personal and collective responsibility. He knew his Isaiah well; indeed, one might say that his teaching and life was living commentary on Isaiah, and it is with Isaiah that he began his preaching in Luke 4. And in Isaiah 58, the command to do works of justice is a collective command, addressed not just to individuals, but to the nation of Israel. What Jesus calls one to do, he calls the community to do, just as Isaiah did. Need we go into the Pauline doctrine of the Christian community as body of Christ?

So let’s stop this nonsense that Christianity is only about one’s individual acts. It is about a community living in a way that is totally incomprehensible to “the world”. Now, you can argue that such a community is of necessity different from and not to be confused with any secular polity, but a community it is, and as a community it must take responsibility to follow the commands given in Isaiah 58, and by Jesus himself.

Another:

I’m a North Carolina teacher, and I’ve participated in one of the Moral Monday marches. I carried a sign with Isaiah 10:1-2 (“Woe to those who make unjust laws, to those who issue oppressive decrees, to deprive the poor of their rights and withhold justice from the oppressed of my people, making widows their prey and robbing the fatherless”). I’m a pretty big proponent of separation of church and state, but I don’t really see how Moral Monday is participating in Christianism.

I stand in agreement with Marcus Borg that the separation of church and state is not the separation of religion and politics – that all of our policy decisions are rooted in morality. Jimmy Carter was right when he said that one of the biggest mistakes the Democratic party made was ceding Christians to the right. All of this is to say that, for 30 years or more, the Republican party has been claiming as its divine duty the enacting of certain policies that are quite contrary to the Bible – or at least part of it.

I view the Moral Monday movement as a fine prophetic “Deuteronomic” counterpoint to the “Levitical” emphasis on sexuality that seems to be the primary hangup of the most vocal “Christianists” (see Walter Brueggemann for more on the Deuteronomy/Leviticus divide). The Bible has both interpretive strains, and it’s about time some other people with a religious sense of justice speak up. Martin Luther King, Jr. and other civil rights leaders certainly used the exhortations of scripture to move the nation toward the type of just society described in Isaiah, Deuteronomy, and Jeremiah.

And please, Dreher, et. al., don’t resort to an Ad Hominem Tu Quoque when people speak up for justice. If those in the state house in Raleigh claim to be enacting Christian principles, stop ignoring the part of our tradition exhorting us to systemic justice.

Another reframes the debate somewhat:

I’ve been a believer most of my life and a recovering fundamentalist for nearly half of it. That said, I’ve wondered if the “rend to Caesar” passage still applies in our day and age. Rome was a dictatorship; we’re a democracy. The people make the laws in our society, not a corrupt despot. I realize that Jesus only advocates for individual behavior, but maybe this changes the rules a bit? Perhaps the admonition to care for our neighbor can apply to the government because it is believers who (theoretically) make up that government. Rendering unto Caesar means rendering unto ourselves.

(Painting: a detail from Titian’s “The Tribute Money” when Jesus responds to a coin with Caesar’s head on it.)

The Struggles Of Michael Sam, Ctd

A truly inspired piece of commentary:

A reader notes:

I read the quote you posted from the New York Times about Michael Sam’s upbringing and nearly fell out of my chair. To recap, Michael had four brothers. One of them tried to join a gang and was killed as a result. Another mysteriously disappeared over a decade ago and is likely dead. The other two are in prison with no explanation. The article also stated that absolutely nobody in the family had ever even attended college before Michael Sam and that the father took one of his sons to Mexico to lose his virginity to a prostitute.

Now ask social conservatives: who is the most moral member of the family? Is it the people who show traditional family values like sexual depravity, delinquency, abandonment of family members and organized crime? Or is it Michael Sam?

Let’s put it this way: we should not judge people by the specifics of their sexual orientation, straight, bi, or gay; we should judge them by the content of their character.