JPod And Torture

An astonishing confession of ignorance:

As universally understood, torture is the infliction of physical injury through the application of physical force.

No: this is the universal definition of torture under US law, and the Geneva conventions:

severe mental or physical pain or suffering

This standard has been the case since the Second World War. The argument that no permanent or even temporary physical injury means no torture is a canard, once deployed by the Nazis. Here is their defense of "enhanced interrogation" in 1948:

Most of the injuries inflicted were slight and did not result in permanent disablement.

The US rejected such cant and condemned those guilty of using the Bush-Cheney methods to death. It tells you all you need to know about some neoconservatives that they now side with the arguments of the Gestapo against the arguments of the US to defend their own willful ignorance and power.

“My Brother, Larry Craig”

James Alison, a man of the Gospels in every sense and an English gay Catholic priest, is always worth listening to. This lecture, "Love Your Enemy: Within A Divided Self," is particularly sharp. Money quote:

For people like me, Senator Craig is, in a very obvious sense, an enemy: he has been a solid functionary of the system of hatred which has used people like me as a wedge issue to frighten people into acquiescence with other, and far more serious forms of evildoing. A system of hatred which is, thank heavens, far less strong in this country now than it is in the United States, and far less strong than it was in this country as recently as fifteen years ago. I say this, since there is an obvious sense in which I, as a child of my culture, am tempted to rejoice in the discomfiture of my enemy, to depict Senator Craig as the “not me” which gives me a tidy little identity. It was in this context that I was very moved to read a piece by one of the gay-bloggers in the US, fairly shortly after the Craig story broke, which helped remind me of the truth of the Gospel.

This blogger, whose name I cannot now remember, showed me something which enabled me to see sameness rather than difference.

He pointed out that Senator Craig was born in 1945, in rural Idaho. When he was ten years old, in 1955, there was a scandal in Boise, the Idaho State Capital, not too far from where young Larry lived. It was the big tabloid gay scandal of the 1950’s, coming just as America was in the grip of the McCarthy witch hunts, themselves helped along nicely by at least two self-hating gay men, “killer fruits” as Truman Capote wrily called them: Roy Cohn and J. Edgar Hoover. It was revealed that in Boise, of all unlikely places, there was a network of public officials and influential citizens employing the services of a group of rent boys. Well, you can imagine what sort of impact the news of all this, the sensation of it, the hatred it revealed, might have had on a ten year old boy. It might well have taught him that if he wanted to grow up being good, then the one thing, above all else, that he was not, was gay (or whatever approximation to that word existed in his milieu at that time). A boy like that might well have been taught by his culture, just as he came close to puberty, simultaneously who he was, and who he was not; and faced with any little boy’s desire to grow up to be good, he may have been locked into a form of denial and self-hatred which could then perpetuate itself for many years thereafter.

Now you will notice that I have used the subjunctive form, “may”, and “might”, throughout this description, because I don’t know Senator Craig personally, nor, I suspect, did the blogger who pointed out these background dates and events. But as I read the blog, I did remember a ten year old boy whom I knew in this country, fifteen or so years later, and so already in a much easier cultural climate, who found himself impossibly riven between the growing knowledge of who he was and the absolute cultural imperative that he not be that thing. Even in the much easier cultural climate of Britain in the early seventies that little boy came as close as dammit to opting for public “goodness” and success, denial and dishonesty, instead of the long route through the mystery of forgiveness and integration which was later offered to him by the Catholic Faith.

That little boy is of course myself, and what the blogger did for me was open up the possibility of my seeing Senator Craig not as an enemy, but as someone like me, riven by the same things I am riven, driven by the same things as those by which I am driven – “mon semblable, mon frère”.

What Lowry Needs To Know

Some truths that were once not disputed by civilized people:

The media usually characterize the practice as "simulated drowning." That’s incorrect. To be effective, waterboarding is usually real drowning that simulates death.

That is, the victim experiences the sensations of drowning: struggle, panic, breath-holding, swallowing, vomiting, taking water into the lungs and, eventually, the same feeling of not being able to breathe that one experiences after being punched in the gut. The main difference is that the drowning process is halted. According to those who have studied waterboarding’s effects, it can cause severe psychological trauma, such as panic attacks, for years.

The United States knows quite a bit about waterboarding. The U.S. government — whether acting alone before domestic courts, commissions and courts-martial or as part of the world community — has not only condemned the use of water torture but has severely punished those who applied it.

So "quaint" this idea of the rule of law. So nebulous this concept of American decency.

A Bleg

Yesterday, I asked rhetorically:

Can you imagine Senator Clinton defending "homosexuals" in front of a non-gay crowd?

It occurs to me I might be wrong. Can anyone out there find an instance in which Clinton specifically mentions and defends gay rights – using the g or h word – in front of a non-gay crowd? Extra points if it’s in front of a black audience. I’d like to be fair. Has it ever happened?

Musharraf

Pakriotarifaliafpgetty

I confess to being somewhat stumped by recent events in Pakistan. It seems to me that the last thing we should learn from the past six years is that we should always be supporting democracy regardless of the consequences in the Muslim world. But obviously, Musharraf’s increasing and now total abandonment of democratic pretense runs the danger of actually increasing the popularity of Islamists in his country. Musharraf has, moreover, failed rather conspicuously, in reining in the terrorists in Waziristan. Now run the "wth us or against us’ check list: Pakistan has weapons of mass destruction, an Islamist insurgency, and a base for al Qaeda on its territory. And yet we do very little. And we can do very little.

It’s easy to mock the discrepancy between the Bush Doctrine and Bush Policy under these circumstances. But I don’t see any happy or easy alternatives right now. Meanwhile, this recent Josh Hammer primer from the Atlantic is worth a look. Larison adds his a couple of cents here. The Economist makes a useful point:

The coup that General Pervez Musharraf, the country’s president, launched on Saturday November 3rd, was in fact something new. His first coup, in 1999, was designed to restore order after civilian misrule. Now General Musharraf wants to shore up his own unpopular, and perhaps illegal, government.

He has suspended the constitution—a step the government has inaccurately described as constituting a state of emergency—and sacked most of the Supreme Court’s judges. This includes the chief justice, Iftikhar Chaudhry, a champion of swelling opposition to the general. The courthouse in Islamabad is now sealed off by barbed wire and armed police. Private television news channels, foreign and Pakistani, have been hauled off-air.

So does Der Spiegel:

Most observers agree that Musharraf’s move had little to do with the growing threat from Islamic militants and everything to do with a last-ditch effort to hang on to power. With the country’s Supreme Court set to rule this week on the constitutionality of his re-election as president last month, rumors had been circulating that the court, led by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry — whose firing in March was the beginning of a rapid decrease in Musharraf’s popularity — would rule against Musharraf.

My concern is that we simply do not know what serves the interests of Islamists at this point: Musharraf’s continuation in power or a period of more democratic instability? And does this change in the short or medium term?

(Photo: Pakistani riot police beat a lawyer (C) during a protest in Lahore, 05 November 2007. Pakistani police fired tear gas and baton-charged lawyers rallying against President Pervez Musharraf’s emergency rule, as the United States suspended key talks with its regional ally. Several lawyers were wounded and dozens more arrested as protests erupted outside courtrooms in a number of cities, in the first major show of public anger since Musharraf declared a state of emergency on 03 November. By Arif Ali/AFP/Getty.)