The Mormons Punt On Marriage?

Stephanie Mencimer claims that the church “has all but dropped the rope in the public policy tug of war over marriage equality”:

The LGBT community’s best evidence of change within the church is that last year, in the only four states ever to pass marriage-equality laws, the church “did not provide one dime or one volunteer,” [Jim] Dabakis, [the head of the Utah Democratic Party and cofounder of the Utah Pride Center in Salt Lake] says. He adds that in Maryland, when one local Mormon leader tried to organize to oppose a pro-marriage equality initiative, the church shut her down.

(Hat tip: Glazer)

Ask Dreher Anything: Stereotypes About The South

Rod pushes back against the assumption that there has been no racial progress in Dixie:

Yesterday he discussed how people should put down roots wherever they live. Before that, he explained why we should follow the example of his late sister, the subject of his new book, The Little Way of Ruthie Leming: A Southern Girl, a Small Town, and the Secret of a Good Life:

[The book] follows Rod Dreher, a Philadelphia journalist, back to his hometown of St. Francisville, Louisiana (pop. 1,700) in the wake of his younger sister Ruthie’s death. When she was diagnosed at age 40 with a virulent form of cancer in 2010, Dreher was moved by the way the community he had left behind rallied around his dying sister, a schoolteacher. He was also struck by the grace and courage with which his sister dealt with the disease that eventually took her life. In Louisiana for Ruthie’s funeral in the fall of 2011, Dreher began to wonder whether the ordinary life Ruthie led in their country town was in fact a path of hidden grandeur, even spiritual greatness, concealed within the modest life of a mother and teacher. In order to explore this revelation, Dreher and his wife decided to leave Philadelphia, move home to help with family responsibilities and have their three children grow up amidst the rituals that had defined his family for five generations – Mardi Gras, L.S.U. football games, and deer hunting.

Ask Anything archive here.

Terrorism Is Rare

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Bruce Schneier calls the Boston bombings “something that almost never happens”:

Remember after 9/11 when people predicted we’d see these sorts of attacks every few months? That never happened, and it wasn’t because the TSA confiscated knives and snow globes at airports. Give the FBI credit for rolling up terrorist networks and interdicting terrorist funding, but we also exaggerated the threat. We get our ideas about how easy it is to blow things up from television and the movies. It turns out that terrorism is much harder than most people think. It’s hard to find willing terrorists, it’s hard to put a plot together, it’s hard to get materials, and it’s hard to execute a workable plan. As a collective group, terrorists are dumb, and they make dumb mistakes; criminal masterminds are another myth from movies and comic books.

Douthat hopes that we will respond rationally:

Today’s attack, on the kind of event that countless cities hold and that even the most omnicompetent police force couldn’t make entirely secure, could easily lead to a further ratchet, a further expansion of preventive (or preventive-seeming) measures, a further intrusion of bureaucratic and paramilitary rituals into the rhythms of everyday life. Or it could be an opportunity to recognize the limits of such measures, the impossibility of achieving perfect security, and the costs of pretending that an extra ring of barriers and inconveniences will suffice to stop a determined evil from finding its way through.

We really do have to adopt a more stoic response to these acts of evil. It is the only long-term thing that deprives them of their power.

Obama’s Gitmo Disgrace

Guantanamo Military Prison Stays Open As Future Status Remains Uncertain

We all know that the Congress is fundamentally responsible for keeping the former torture camp open, by preventing the executive branch from financing the transfer of any prisoners to elsewhere in the US. We also know that some terrorists were captured but with no real proof; and that some have been transferred to other countries. Of those some have taken up arms; some have simply melted back into society.

But we also know that 86 human beings there have not been found guilty of anything and are eligible for transfer – but must remain in prison limbo for the rest of their lives. We also know that there have been prisoner deaths at Gitmo that are extremely hard to explain without a working assumption that they were accidentally tortured to death by suffocation. Now we discover that lawyers for Gitmo prisoners going before the military commissions are subject to surveillance by the government, through secret microphones in cells and extremely sensitive video recording equipment. The farce of the commissions extends to outright violation of the most basic attorney-client privilege.

Seton Hall Law School’s Center for Policy and Research has a new report: “Spying on Lawyers at GTMO? Guantanamo Bay Military Commissions and the Destruction of the Attorney-Client Relationship.” It’s a comprehensive exploration of the legal crapshoot. Take a look. Money quote:

We now know that the government has installed surveillance devices with the capacity to listen even to whispers between attorneys and clients, and to read the Screen shot 2013-04-15 at 10.45.27 PMattorneys’ own notes.
• Of all the facilities in Guantanamo Bay for attorneys to meet with their clients, the military chose Camp Echo, the former CIA interrogation facility
• Listening devices in the attorney- client meeting rooms are disguised as smoke detectors.
• The listening devices are so hypersensitive that they can detect even whispers between attorneys and their clients.
• Cameras in the attorney-client meeting rooms are so powerful that they can read attorneys’ handwritten notes and other confidential documents.
• The camera models can be operated secretly from a location outside of the room.
None of the capacities of the eavesdropping equipment would be necessary for CIA interrogations. Instead, the equipment has been implemented in a practice of multi-layered deception of defense attorneys.

Under those conditions, how can there be even a semblance of a fair trial? And if you were subjected to such a farce, and knew that you were being prevented from ever leaving a prison where you were wrongfully detained in the first place. wouldn’t you go on hunger strike? You’ve been captured by military forces with no charges, taken to a torture camp, hooded and shackled, beaten and tortured, and now – even when found innocent – kept in the same black hole of indefinite detention. Yes, I’d go on hunger strike.

Sure, Obama appended a signing statement, but the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act bars any transfer of prisoners out of Gitmo and president Obama signed it. His administration has defended the US government’s previous positions with respect to the rights of the detainees; and the military commissions are a legal farce of a kind you only find in totalitarian systems of government. And Obama is emphatically not a bystander in this.

Greenwald gets into the details:

Obama’s task force in early 2010 decreed that “48 detainees were determined to be too dangerous to transfer but not feasible for prosecution” and will thus “remain in detention”: i.e. indefinitely imprisoned with no charges. Given these facts, one cannot denounce the disgrace of Guantánamo’s indefinite detention system while pretending that Obama sought to end it, at least not cogently or honestly … In January, 2010, Obama – not Congress, but Obama – announced a moratorium on the release of any Yemeni detainees, even ones cleared for release.

The Yemeni government will take them – and is, in fact, demanding them. But Obama himself has decided he cannot risk letting innocent prisoners go to a country dealing with an Islamist insurgency itself. Many of the hunger strikers are precisely these Yemenis, and, as Greenwald notes, Obama as commander-in-chief has the power to grant a ‘national security waiver’ for the prisoners. He should use it. Is there a danger that these prisoners might turn to Jihad as a form of revenge for a decade of illegal imprisonment? Yes, there is. Is there a danger whenever an actual criminal is released from jail? Yes, there is. But the indefinite imprisonment of individuals cleared of all crimes is simply a violation of basic human rights. It cannot – must not – stand in America.

Obama did not create Gitmo and he wanted to close it. But he cannot have it every which way. By sustaining the prison and former torture camp, by keeping human beings locked up for ever for no reason but his own political fears of looking weak on terror, he is now fully responsible for the deaths that may ensue or the barbaric force-feeding that now appears to be routine. These men are not guilty. For America to imprison them indefinitely in that knowledge and not transfer them to their country of origin is simply a betrayal of core values. That the Obama administration is also spying and videoing confidential attorney-client conversations is also an outrage. Where is the Chicago Law professor when you need him?

We didn’t elect and re-elect Barack Obama to trash American values. We elected and re-elected him to restore them. As Glenn notes, this is not about his or anyone else’s legacy. It’s about the core question of whether in a free society, the government has a right to imprison people without charge, deem them innocent and eligible for release and yet keep them in prison for the rest of their lives.

For those in that haunted torture camp, there really is a fierce urgency of now. Let them go.

(Photo: A detainee stands at an interior fence inside the U.S. military prison for ‘enemy combatants’ on October 27, 2009 in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. By John Moore/Getty, after Pentagon review.)

Shooting Holes In The First Amendment

Wilkinson asks why we don’t investigate alternatives to gun control:

Perhaps the best way to prevent mass shootings is censorship. For example, it could be made illegal to publish any information at all about mass shooters. No names. No pictures. No probing stories about their fraught home lives. Nothing. Maybe it wouldn’t work, and mass killers would nevertheless go on to achieve through their evil work the glory of infamy. Then again, maybe it would work. Shouldn’t we be willing to at least consider a small abridgement of the first amendment, if doing so would save even one child from a horrific death?

The fact is, most of us would rather lose an abstract kid or two than resort to this sort of censorship. We don’t like to admit that, so we tend to deny that it would work. But nobody actually knows it wouldn’t work.

Adam Gopnik is open to the censorship of violence:

The reason we don’t want our kids—or our teen-agers, or ourselves for that matter—lost in violent imagery, whatever the beauty of the pixelated townscape, is not because of something that they will cause but because of what they are right now. It’s not what they might do it’s who they are in the act of becoming. Fictive or not, violent images increase the sum total of violence in the world. If we believe that we, as Edmund Burke said, should hate violence and love liberty, then we can’t hate violence and still make it part of our idea of pleasure.

There is a third way, of course: for those involved in entertainment and journalism to self-censor, to understand that less is more, and to focus more on the victims of violence rather than the perpetrators of it. But in a free country, that only works if it marks a cultural shift from below, not paternalism from above. Not watching gratuitous, numbing violence is something we need no law to enforce. We can start today.

The Deconstructed Pop Star

Adam Ash toasts David Bowie:

Before him, public figures worked at creating an enduring single persona. Even actors did it — John Wayne as avuncular cowboy; Clara Bow as vamp; Cary Grant as the ideal gentleman date; Humphrey Bogart’s cynical tough guy covering up a morally upright soft heart (when he started off as an upperclass white-tie fop on Broadway). But Bowie said, nope, I’ll create a new self every now and then. In his public personas, Bowie exemplifies the psychological theory which says we consist of various self-states, who need to make peace with one another. Except his self-states are so various, there’s no way they could be integrated.

And the singer is still taking England by storm: 

His first album in 10 years is top of the charts, and a V & A museum exhibition, “David Bowie Is,” devoted to all things Bowie and drawn from his personal archive, is the greatest thing that this august establishment museum has ever put on: double the ticket sales of any previous exhibit in its 160-year-long history. Selfridges has pop-up stores where you can buy Bowie T-shirts and stuff, and there’s a makeup kit for you to Bowie-make-over your quotidian visage. His album is tipped to win the Mercury prize. Not a day goes past that there is not a Bowie pic or article in the popular press. There’s even been an April Fool’s joke about Bowie opening a pet shop called Spiders from Mars, which would sell some of his favorite spiders as pets.

Did Obama’s Race Hurt Him? Ctd

Nate Cohn recently argued that “the long term decline in Democratic fortunes in the South and Appalachia” largely explains why Obama did worse in the more racist parts of the country. Seth Stephens-Davidowitz pushes back:

First, if this were true, any Democrat, not just Obama, should have underperformed in such areas. In early 2008, SurveyUSA polled hypothetical match-ups between each of Obama, Hillary Clinton, and John Edwards and various potential Republican nominees. Obama consistently underperformed among whites in areas with higher racist search rates. Clinton did not. Edwards did not.

Second, if areas with higher racist search rates were punishing all Democrats in 2008, relative to 2004, a similar relationship should be seen in House voting patterns. House Democrats should have also underperformed in these areas in 2008, relative to 2004. They did not.

Dysfunctional Daycare

Jonathan Cohn’s new TNR cover-story tackles America’s daycare system:

A 2007 survey by the National Institute of Child Health Development deemed the majority of operations to be “fair” or “poor”—only 10 percent provided high-quality care. Experts recommend a ratio of one caregiver for every three infants between six and 18 months, but just one-third of children are in settings that meet that standard. Depending on the state, some providers may need only minimal or no training in safety, health, or child development. And because child care is so poorly paid, it doesn’t attract the highly skilled. In 2011, the median annual salary for a child care worker was $19,430, less than a parking lot attendant or a janitor. Marcy Whitebook, the director of the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at the University of California–Berkeley, told me, “We’ve got decades of research, and it suggests most child care and early childhood education in this country is mediocre at best.”

At the same time, day care is a bruising financial burden for many families—more expensive than rent in 22 states. In the priciest, Massachusetts, it costs an average family $15,000 a year to place an infant full-time in a licensed center. In California, the cost is equivalent to 40 percent of the median income for a single mother.

Ask Steve Brill Anything

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Some background on Brill:

He is the founder of CourtTV and American Lawyer magazine. His most recent venture is Journalism Online, which he sold to RR Donnelley in 2011 for a reported $45 million and now has more than 400 publications using its Press+ service to charge for digital content. He also founded Verified Identity Pass, Inc., a New York-based company that operated the Clear airport security fast-pass, a pre-cursor to the current Federal Trusted Traveler program.  In addition to writing a column for Newsweek, he has written magazine articles for The New Yorker, The New York Times Sunday Magazine, Harpers and Time.

His most recent success is that 36-page Time cover-story, “Bitter Pill: Why Medical Bills Are Killing Us”, which the Dish covered here and here. Money quote from Brill:

When we debate health care policy, we seem to jump right to the issue of who should pay the bills, blowing past what should be the first question: Why exactly are the bills so high?

What are the reasons, good or bad, that cancer means a half-million- or million-dollar tab? Why should a trip to the emergency room for chest pains that turn out to be indigestion bring a bill that can exceed the cost of a semester of college? What makes a single dose of even the most wonderful wonder drug cost thousands of dollars? Why does simple lab work done during a few days in a hospital cost more than a car? And what is so different about the medical ecosystem that causes technology advances to drive bills up instead of down?

Brill’s piece is what journalism should now be doing – the long, deep-dive, debate-shifting essay that addresses our reality in an accessible, clear but compelling way.  To submit a question for Steve, simply enter it into the Urtak survey after answering all of the existing questions (ignore the “YES or NO question” aspect and simply enter any open-ended question). To vote, click “Yes” if you have a strong interest in seeing him answer the question or “No” if you don’t particularly care. Thanks for participating.

Sifting Through The Evidence

In response to the Boston Police Department’s request that the public submit video of the finish line to be parsed for clues, Alexis Madrigal offers a suggestion:

If Federal or local police do need help [with video analysis], they could reach out to Digital Media Evidence Processing Lab at the University of Indianapolis, which is run by the Law Enforcement and Emergency Services Video Association. …

After the Vancouver riots, police in that city brought the video they received from citizens to the lab. “Working around-the-clock shifts, analysts and technicians examined more than 5,000 hours of video while tagging more than 15,000 criminal events and individuals,” trade journal Evidence Magazine wrote in 2012. “The approach proved quite powerful. Whereas investigators required four months to process just 100 hours of video after the riots in 1994, the thousands of hours of video recorded in 2011 were processed and initially tagged in just two weeks.”

This will become the sad new ritual of mourning a tragedy: sending and processing the horrific memories of an event in hopes of finding evidence to bring criminals to justice.