Russia’s Gay-Bashing Culture, Ctd

HRW highlights anti-gay assaults in Russia:

I just recorded a new Deep Dish podcast with Masha Gessen on the state-of-play in Russia (stay tuned). Meanwhile, Jeff Sharlet traveled to Russia to meet with LGBT activists and their opposition. He talked to Timur Isaev, who torments gay Russians:

As young men, he and his friends liked to hunt and beat gays. “For fun,” he says. But then he became a father. Like many parents, he worried about the Internet. Late at night, he studied it. He watched YouTube. “Girls,” he says, “young girls, undressing themselves.” Using a special “tool for developers,” he says, he was able to discern that the other people watching these videos at 2 a.m. were homosexual men. “The analysis of their accounts,” he says, “showed that they also watched young boys.” That’s when Timur realized he must become an activist. For the children.

Timur bought a video camera, a very good one. He began documenting LGBT life. At first, demonstrations; then he began idling outside activists’ offices, filming and photographing people coming and going. He showed me one of his galleries: dozens, maybe hundreds of faces. Some he has photographed himself, others he finds online. He is a great policeman of VK, Russia’s version of Facebook. These days he stays up late at night searching for homosexual teachers. It’s kind of his specialty.

Notice the various leaps of logic: the Internet has porn showing young women; gays are into the Internet; gays are watching girls; gays are watching boys; gays are after our children. Worse: gays represent everything that’s terrifying about the sexual mores of the West, now available online in every Russian home. So bashing gays is a defense of children and of the fatherland. When these kinds of irrational, illogical memes are floating around, Putin’s endorsement of them pours gasoline onto the fire of hatred. What he has created is an atmosphere in which gay people are seen not just as a despised minority but as infiltrators destroying the nation. If you do not recall the dangers of that kind of eliminationist rhetoric toward a minority, you are in denial.

At the same time, it seems to me we need to be careful not to misread the specific cultural context here. There’s a worrying tendency for some gay activists to assume that because a foreign country is not identical to the US on the question of gay rights, it’s an outrage that must be immediately confronted and changed. But America, only a decade ago, was not identical to the US today. Many states still have in their very constitutions the relegation of gay people to second class status. The last president of the US, George W Bush, wanted to enshrine the inferiority of gay couples in the federal constitution. It’s been only a few years since gays were able to serve openly in the US military. To turn around and then be shocked and appalled that homophobia is still very much alive and well in the Russian rural heartland is more than a little obtuse.

These changes take time.

They may take decades to evolve, if ever, in many countries. And the danger of lecturing and haranguing Russians – or Saudis or Ugandans or Nigerians – is that it may make matters worse. It may actually buttress various regimes attempts to equate homosexuality with a foreign Western plot; it runs the risk of putting gay people in danger, of disturbing unique and different cultures in ways that hurt gays rather than helps them. What we’re seeing here, I think, is a consequence of the web creating a global virtual culture that  local actual cultures cannot easily absorb, and so precipitating a backlash. And it’s one thing if that backlash happens in response to domestic pressure, and another if it happens in response to foreign intervention. The latter could be far more dangerous.

We should be aware that our zeal may also not be matched by the gays in the countries we are protesting and confronting:

“I haven’t heard of these laws, but I think it’s fine,” a kid named Kirill tells me at a hidden gay club called Secrets. “We don’t need gay pride here. Why do we need to show our orientation?” He shrugs. He has heard of the torture videos popular online, the gangs that kidnap gays, the police that arrest gays, the babushkas with their eggs and their stones. But he hasn’t seen them. He prefers not to. “Everybody wants to emigrate, but not me.” He shrugs again; it’s like a tic. “I love Russia. This is their experience, not mine.” He says he does not know what the word closet means.

Meanwhile, Dickey finds that American anti-gay activists are having an impact overseas:

Take American evangelist Scott Lively author of The Pink Swastika, blaming the Holocaust on Nazi homosexuals. He is also the co-founder of a group that the hate-trackers at the Southern Poverty Law Center, calls “the virulently anti-gay” and “currently active more in Eastern Europe than in the U.S.” And Lively proudly takes credit for his role campaigning since 2006 for the law passed last year by the Russian Duma, which ostensibly bars homosexual “propaganda” targeting children. “Go Ruskies!” he proclaimed at the time.

That law was just part of a wider gay-bashing campaign in Russia. Paul Cameron, often described in the United States as a “discredited” psychologist, was welcomed in Moscow to talk about “family values.” Brian Brown of the National Organization for Marriage, one of the most polished anti-gay activists, addressed the Duma last year to argue against adoptions by homosexual couples, and a few days later, the ban was written into law.

Previous Dish on homosexuality in Russia here, here, here, and here.

24,740

That’s the number of auto-renewing subscriptions the Dish now has. I know we’ve been pestering you through this renewal process, but I hope you understand it’s because we needed to create a solid base to build and grow this community and conversation. We’ve now got the dustysnowyay.jpgfoundations for long-term survival as an independent site. We took the hardest route to get to the most solid ground. We are not in a daily desperate search for page-views and ad dollars, like so many other sites. We are incentivized entirely to make sure readers want to renew their subscriptions each year and don’t want to cancel.

I don’t know of another news and opinion site online that has close to 25,000 subscribers. I don’t know of another that has no ads. So I just wanted to thank you for this unique achievement. And to pledge to you we will use every penny to make the Dish the best single source for news and opinion on the web. We cannot begin to express the gratitude we now feel, and the excitement for what we are about to build.

Clinton’s Achilles Heels, Ctd

Yesterday I asked readers:

What have been Hillary Clinton’s major, signature accomplishments in her long career in public life? What did she achieve in her eight years as First Lady exactly? What stamp did she put on national policy in her time as Senator from New York? What were her defining and singular achievements as secretary-of-state?

One response:

Hmm. Let’s see, she was a senator for the 8 years while W was President. Not a lot of opportunity there, but if you look at her sponsored or co-sponsored legislation during that period, she was amazingly productive. (I’m sure she had some help, but still.) About her record as First Lady, she attempted a wholesale reform of healthcare and was beaten back by the Republicans – not an “accomplishment” perhaps, but her experience in this area would be invaluable as the ACA matures. And she served as Secretary of State during a challenging time – that is certainly an accomplishment in itself and gives her experience that no other candidate has.

Weak. Lame. Notice the absence of any specifics. Because there aren’t any:

The first thing that came to mind was her work, internationally, on human rights: particularly women’s and LGBT rights. Here’s her 2011 speech to the United Nations on LGBT rights. This was really important! To say these kinds of things to the international community matters, even when we’re still sorting out the details at home.  And she’s been doing this kind of thing since the beginning of her career in public life. Here’s her similarly historic speech as First Lady on women’s rights that she gave in China in the ’90s. I get that she doesn’t have a perfect track record on human rights, given US policy during her tenure as Secretary of State. That being said, it’s my opinion that women’s rights and LGBT rights have been her top priority whenever she’s had the chance.

There’s a difference between what she has said and what she has done. John Kerry has done more in one year than she managed in four at Foggy Bottom. A common retort from readers:

You ask for Hillary’s accomplishments? What does it matter? What were Barack Obama’s accomplishments in 2008? Voting against the Iraq War is not really a “major, singular accomplishment.” I think that being the first woman president along with her “long career in public life” will be enough.

But Obama had been in the national spotlight for only four years in 2008, while Clinton has had almost two decades to tally up specific accomplishments. She’s running on experience. And her record is close to invisible. Another reader:

Her signature issue, what she will run on, is her tenacity and defense of the Democratic principles. She will fight for her agenda, and it will be a classic Democratic agenda, but she will do so with the tenacity and will to win the President has not shown. The President is simply too willing to compromise and his default position is to be bipartisan. Clinton will be clearly and unabashedly partisan. She will be the Democratic’s Democratic. Honestly, if she needs to pull the still beating heart out of Chelsea’s chest on national television to pass a stimulus or extend unemployment insurance, I know she will do it. Essentially, her issue is she will kick Republican butt and not take prisoners.

Funny how I don’t remember the Clinton presidency as anything like that. Au contraire, actually. Another is more succinct:

Because, fuck Republicans.

I need no other reason.  They’re going to hate and demonize whoever is occupying the Oval Office. Given that, I might as well have a president who will be fierce enough to fight back, who will take no prisoners, and who, to some extent, will probably deserve their hatred and fear. I want Clinton to brutalize them and make them think of 2008-2016 as the good ol days.

About that ferocity:

I would agree that her caution poses a real danger for her – something which can be gleaned in this NYT piece about AIPAC’s retreat on the Iran sanctions bill:

On Monday, 70 House Democrats sent Mr. Obama a letter backing his diplomatic efforts and opposing new sanctions. Former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton added her voice to those urging no legislation.

Clinton was silent on the AIPAC bill until it was safe for her to take a stand. A stand which – surprise! – is now the safe position within the Democratic establishment. For someone wanting to lead the country, this is (though characteristic of the Clintons) more than a little underwhelming.

But another reader liked her record in New York:

Two words for you: Bread and Butter. Hillary was my Senator, and I still remain impressed with her relatively quiet, modest, bread-and-butter focus. She was all over the GOP-leaning Upstate, where I am from, helping keep factories from moving, helping with Post 9/11 redevelopment in NY. She was a frequent visitor to Rochester, and was well-versed in the local economic issues (impressing my dad when he chatted with her at a small potatoes university engineering conference). She was really popular even in Republican areas, because she stayed away from the hot button issues, and just showed she cared about people of all stripes.

When you look at the Republicans running for Congress, it’s all about the big flashy issues, some of them popular, but how often do you ever hear of any of them actually helping people? Just like in Ohio in the last election for Obama, factory jobs trumped guns and God and race and all the rest of it. I mean, climate change, are you kidding me? Voters want better-paying jobs and growing economy. And as a woman, with the legacy of the Clinton economy, and a very successful small-bore bread-and-butter focus as a Senator, I think she is very well positioned.

A Conversation With John Heilemann, Ctd

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In another part of our Deep Dish podcast, John addresses Obama’s “evolution” on marriage equality:


Subscribers can listen to the entire 90-minute conversation here. Some impressions from listeners:

Your Deep Dish conversation with John Heilemann was one of the best interviews/conversations I’ve listened to in a while. In fact, I just sat down, sipped a beer and listened without surfing the web or multi-tasking. Thanks!

Thanks to our reader for subscribing, which you can do here. Another reader:

In the new podcast, you and John Heilemann wonder WHY the younger generation seems so settled in favor of gay marriage and marijuana legalization. To me the answer is simple, and it’s almost always the answer for large-scale structural shifts in society: technology.

Kids are growing up engrossed in a new technology that now links them socially with anybody and everybody they care to associate with. And they’re always plugged into a constant feed of news and opinion via the same technology. In the past, if someone in Florida came out of the closet – either the gay closet or the cannabis closet – their close friends or family members may get a fresh perspective on that issue –  but this event would have ZERO effect on some random dude in Mobile, Alabama. However, coming out today means coming out on all sorts of social networks, many of which have a global scale. Now everyone knows someone who has come out, and it doesn’t just have to happen in your own backyard. And for the younger generations, it’s happening earlier and earlier in life, before the biases of previous generations can be burnt in.

Another shifts gears:

Listening to John Heilemann say “if [Hillary] wants to be the Democratic nominee, she is close to unstoppable” reminded me of Joe Scarborough in 2006 saying:

Hillary Clinton will be the nominee. She will crush Barack Obama. Barack, just sit it out, it’s going to be ugly, I promise you. You heard it here first.

Easy on the absolute predictions, guys. Here’s what I could like about a Hillary run: if she ran as Obama’s 3rd term rather than Bill’s 3rd term. It would like, “I’ve listened to what you make clear in 2008 when you chose Obama over me”. This would be moving forward. Hillary now isn’t the same as the one in 2008, people change. But how much change, really?

Other free samples of the podcast – discussing the Clinton juggernaut and Obama’s potential legacy – are here.

Surprise!

So the churches in Germany and Switzerland have just completed their questionnaires for the upcoming Synod on some social issues called by Pope Francis. And whaddya know:

This week, German and Swiss bishops reported the results. They were surprising in the near-uniformity of responses: that the church’s teachings on sexuality, morality and marriage are rejected as unrealistic and outdated by the vast majority of Catholics who nevertheless are active in parish life and consider their faith vitally important. Also surprising was the eagerness with which the bishops publicized the results.

I have a feeling that Francis created those questionnaires for a reason …

Going On A Trip And Never Coming Back

Philip Seymour Hoffman’s quick journey from long-term sobriety to relapse to death scares Seth Mnookin, who has struggled with alcohol and heroin addiction:

My first attempt at recovery came in 1991, when I was 19 years old. Almost exactly two years later, I decided to have a drink. Two years after that, I was addicted to heroin. There’s a lot we don’t know about alcoholism and drug addiction, but one thing is clear: Regardless of how much time clean you have, relapsing is always as easy as moving your hand to your mouth.

In response to Hoffman’s death, Sacha Scoblic highlights the shortcomings of twelve-step programs and wonders if another approach could have saved Hoffman:

A big part of the problem is rehab itself, which is almost universally based on twelve-step work, like Alcoholics Anonymous or Narcotics Anonymous. But AA was developed in the 1930s, in the absence of brain science and in the presence of unimaginable stigma. As Anne M. Fletcher writes in her excellent book Inside Rehab, contemporary rehab is still based on “the folk wisdom of recovering people, particularly through the perspectives of Alcoholics Anonymous and related twelve-step programs.” Don’t get me wrong, AA is an incredible program and a true American achievement for the millions of addicts around the world who desperately needed help when absolutely no one else was offering it. I think founder Bill Wilson should be sainted. I, myself, found sobriety in the rooms of AA, where fellowship and rigorous honesty probably saved my life. But AA is not a medical program, and it is not based on science. It is an abstinence-based program that may not be right for every addict. Particularly opiate addicts.

David Sheff looks at recent advances in addiction treatment:

We don’t know what treatments Hoffman received, but it’s unlikely that it was state-of-the-art care rooted in the fact that addiction is a brain disease. He should have received a range of treatments that have been proved to be effective. Traditionally, the only choices offered to addicts were 12-step programs, but proven treatments now include cognitive behavioral therapy, motivational interviewing and psychopharmacology. Indeed, medications are particularly effective in treating opiate addictions. Richard Rawson, associate director of the UCLA Integrated Substance Abuse Programs, says, “Failure to encourage patients to use these medications is unconscionable. It’s comparable to conducting coronary-bypass surgery and failing to prescribe aspirin, lipid and blood-pressure medications as part of a discharge plan.”

Sullum pushes back against Sheff:

Might there be disadvantages to viewing addiction as a brain disease? Stanton Peele, a psychologist who has been writing about addiction for nearly four decades, suggests that the “learned helplessness” inculcated by the disease model makes tragic outcomes like Hoffman’s death more rather than less likely. An addict who believes complete abstinence from heroin is the only acceptable option because he is physiologically incapable of exercising control over his drug consumption may be ill-prepared for a relapse. Having adopted an all-or-nothing view, he may be disinclined to take precautions such as moderating his intake, asking friends to look in on him, having naloxone on hand in case of an overdose, and avoiding other depressants (which are involved in the vast majority of so-called heroin overdoses). In other words, the lack of responsibility that Sheff urges can have deadly consequences.

The Olympic Potemkin Village

Journalists arriving in Sochi are finding that things are not quite ready for primetime:

In the Ekaterininsky Kvartal hotel, the elevator is broken and the stairway is unlit, with stairs of varying and unpredictable heights. Outside the Chistya Prudy, there is a bag of concrete in a palm tree, leaking grey down the trunk. Inside, some of the electrical outlets are just plates screwed into drywall. …

My Postmedia colleague Cam Cole’s bathtub came loose from the wall, and therefore rocks like a ship. He has a shower curtain, though. In the Rosa Khutor section of the mountains, Stacy St. Clair of the Chicago Tribune was told by the front desk that if the water worked, “do not use on your face because it contains something very dangerous.” When it did come out of the tap, it looked like a lot like cloudy urine.

But they don’t have it quite as bad as the people displaced to build the Olympic village:

Thousands of residents of Sochi’s Imereti Valley were evicted from the land that would become the Olympic complex, and despite their legal challenges and protests (including hunger strikes), were resettled in nearby Nekrasovskoye, a village built from scratch. Residents were promised that it would be lovely, with parks, a playground, a tennis court, and a Sochi Cultural Center that would prove a big draw for Olympic visitors. Everything certainly looked lovely in the state-approved photos of Vladimir Putin’s visit to Nekrasovskoye. (Thumbs up, Vladi!)

But then you look at some photos of Nekrasovskoye, taken Jan. 27. There is no park, no playground, no tennis court, and the Cultural Center is just a concrete skeleton[.]

This despite the fact that the games are the most expensive in history:

To take a round figure they look like costing $50bn. Up to now the most expensive Games have been Beijing in 2008, at some $40bn. The London Games of 2012 cost a bit over £9bn, say $15bn. You would expect Winter Olympics to cost perhaps half that of Summer ones and Vancouver came in at $7bn. So Sochi is huge.

Put it in the context of the Russian economy and it is even huger. [British] GDP in 2010 was £1,460bn, so the Games cost 0.6 per cent of GDP. (There were longer-term offsets and you can argue that overall the economy probably ended up ahead – but that is a separate debate.) Russian GDP this year will be about $2,100bn, so the cost is equivalent to 2.5 per cent of GDP. An entire year’s growth, maybe two years’, is being blown on one event.

Surowiecki explains why such projects are so corruption-prone:

Sochi is emblematic of Russia’s economy: conflicts of interest and cronyism are endemic. But the link between corruption and construction is a problem across the globe. Transparency International has long cited the construction industry as the world’s most corrupt, pointing to the prevalence of bribery, bid rigging, and bill padding. And, while the sheer scale of graft in Sochi is unusual, the practice of politicians using construction contracts to line their pockets and dole out favors isn’t. … And a recent report from the accounting firm Grant Thornton estimated that, by 2025, the cost of fraud in the industry worldwide will have reached $1.5 trillion.

What makes construction so prone to shady dealings? One reason is simply that governments are such huge players in the industry. Not only are they the biggest spenders on infrastructure; even private projects require government approvals, permits, worksite inspections, and the like. The more rules you have, and the more people enforcing them, the more opportunities there are for corruption.

Jonathan Mahler points out that every Olympic host overspends, and proposes a solution:

Designate permanent sites for both the Summer and Winter Games.

This would prevent countries from going on self-destructive Olympic spending sprees. (Montreal spent 30 years paying off its $1.6 billion debt from the 1976 games.) It would have attendant benefits, too: No more Olympics next to war zones, for instance. It may not be possible to divorce politics from the Olympics altogether — if the games were held in the U.S. this year, international civil rights advocates would probably be protesting the NSA — but you could at least mitigate the effects, maybe by awarding the Winter Games to neutral (and rich) Switzerland?

Obamacare’s Economic Check-Up

The CBO report released yesterday (pdf) found that found Obamacare will produce “a decline in the number of full-time-equivalent workers of about 2.0 million in 2017, rising to about 2.5 million in 2024.” Waldman puts a positive spin on the news:

The important thing to understand about the reduction in the labor force is that this is exactly what was supposed to happen. When you eliminate “job lock,” where people who’d like to leave their jobs can’t because if they do they won’t have health insurance, a certain number of people are going to take advantage of their newfound mobility. In some cases you might be able to construe it as a loss to the economy, say if a productive full-time worker cuts back to part time because she can. But in many cases it’s something to celebrate: an American exercising their freedom.

Yglesias is on the same page:

Obamacare will kill jobs in the same way that Social Security kills jobs. By making it easier for people in certain circumstances to get by without a job. But your mileage may vary on this. The point, however, is that we’re talking about people quitting not about people getting fired.

Douthat’s worries that Obamacare “might reduce financial hardship while actively disincentivizing upward mobility overall”:

2 million is a much, much uglier number than the 800,000 figure the C.B.O. cited in its last report. Maybe the early estimate was right and this one is wrong, or (just as likely) maybe both are off in one direction or the other. But it does seem like we may be dealing here with something that isn’t just a consequence of rejiggering the employer-provided model, and that actually reflects a more universal dilemma of welfare-state liberalism: Namely, that when the government moves to help people at the bottom of the income distribution, its assistance often creates perverse incentives, both by making it easier for the beneficiaries not to work at all and (when the assistance is means-tested) by imposing a steep marginal tax rate on upward mobility of any kind.

Cohn notes an important detail:

CBO didn’t actually say Obamacare would lead to 2 million fewer jobs. It said that Obamacare would lead to the “equivalent” of 2 million fewer jobs. In reality, CBO expects a much larger group of people to reduce their hours by a much smaller amount. Only a relative few will stop working altogether.

Suderman focuses on the costs of Obamacare:

Taken by themselves, Obamacare’s insurance provisions will increase the deficit by $1.4 trillion. The Affordable Care Act is a sprawling piece of legislation with a variety of revenue mechanisms built in that are supposed to offset the significant cost of the law. But CBO broke out the provisions that are specifically related to the provision of insurance coverage—the cost of the subsidies, the Medicaid expansion, the penalty payments made as a result of the mandate, the tax on high-end coverage, etc.—and found that, over the next 10 years, they will increase the deficit by $1.48 trillion. … This doesn’t mean that Obamacare, as a legislative whole, is now scored as a deficit hike. But it does mean that its central component, the coverage expansion scheme, is.

Greg Ip is unsurprised by the working hours reduction:

This is an unavoidable characteristic of a progressive system of taxes and transfers. As income taxes rise, they become an even bigger disincentive to work and invest; but we accept that distortion as the price of equity. Similarly, means-tested transfers that phase out with income represent high, implicit marginal tax rates and thus disincentives to work. We accept this distortion because it seems preferable to the alternatives: transfers that aren’t means tested, or no transfers at all.

Drum agrees that this is “a shortcoming in all means-tested welfare programs”:

If we simply had a rational national health care system, available to everyone regardless of income, then none of this would be an issue. There might still be a small income effect, but it would probably be barely noticeable. Since everyone would be fully covered no matter what, there would no high effective marginal tax rate on the poor and no reason not to work more hours. Someday we’ll get there.

Avik Roy admits that “any health-reform plan that seeks to offer coverage to the uninsured will have this type of effect on the labor market.” But he still rails against Obamacare:

The negative effect of Obamacare on the labor market is far worse than any Republican alternative would be, because the ACA dramatically expands Medicaid, and because the law heavily subsidizes health insurance for those nearing retirement. In addition, Obamacare depresses economic growth through a $1 trillion tax increase, and increases the cost of hiring new workers, because of its employer mandate requiring most businesses to offer health coverage to every worker.

Barro weighs in:

Broadly, one key goal of health policy should be to let people make work decisions without worrying about how those decisions affect their health insurance. The CBO report shows that Obamacare partly furthers that goal (by making insurance available to more people, regardless of income or employment status) and partly inhibits it (by withdrawing benefits from people who work more). Efforts to optimize the policy should focus on de-linking work decisions from insurance, not simply on maximizing the amount of labor supply.

Barro also notes that fewer workers should mean higher wages:

Obamacare alters the employer-employee relationship in a way that empowers employees. When an employee is dependent on his job not just for a wage but for health insurance, he is less able to threaten to leave if he doesn’t get a raise. Severing the work-insurance link strengthens the employee’s hand in bargaining — which is bad for employers and good for workers.

Cillizza imagines the political consequences of this report:

Close your eyes for a minute and fast forward to October. And imagine yourself sitting in a Charlotte hotel room watching TV. And this ad comes on: “Kay Hagan voted for Obamacare, a law whose rollout was so botched that a million people decided to not even sign up for health coverage. And the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office says Obamacare will cost America 2 million jobs. Kay Hagan voted wrong. Now it’s time to vote her out.” That’s a VERY tough hit on any Democratic incumbent who voted for the Affordable Care Act.